Former leader"Yabloko" party

Yavlinsky, Grigory

Former leader of the Yabloko party

Russian politician and economist, former chairman of the Russian United Party "Yabloko" (ROPD "Yabloko") (left office in June 2008), member of its political committee since 2008. Since 2011 - head of the Yabloko faction in the Legislative Assembly of St. Petersburg. In 1994-2003 he headed the party faction in the State Duma. Twice - in 1996 and 1999 - he ran for the post of President of the Russian Federation, taking fourth and third places. In 1991 - Deputy Prime Minister of the USSR Government, Deputy Chairman of the Operations Management Committee national economy(KOUNH). In 1990, he served as deputy chairman of the government of the RSFSR. In the summer of 1990, he prepared the “500 days” program. He opposed the economic reforms carried out by Yegor Gaidar in 1991-92, the privatization of 1992-94 developed by Anatoly Chubais, and the forceful solution to the Chechen conflict. Doctor economic sciences. Twice champion of Ukraine in boxing among juniors.

Yavlinsky first studied at high school, then at an evening school for working youth. In his certificate, among the "fives" there was only one "four" - according to Ukrainian language, . Simultaneously with his studies, in 1968-69 he worked as a postman, a master's apprentice at a leather goods factory, and an instrument mechanic at the Raduga glass factory. He was actively involved in sports. Twice, in 1967 and 1969, he became the champion of Ukraine in boxing among juniors. Initially, Yavlinsky wanted to become a policeman, then, under the influence of his father, a teacher, and only after, becoming interested in pricing issues, an economist. According to him, in connection with this, he read Karl Marx’s “Capital” at school, , , , , , .

In 1969, Yavlinsky entered the general economics department of the Plekhanov Moscow Institute of National Economy (MINKh). He graduated from it in 1973 and immediately, on the recommendation of the university’s academic council, entered graduate school. In Yavlinsky's diploma, most of the grades were “fives”, there were several “fours” and one “three”. During his studies, he twice won the institute joke competition and once got into a fight with the faculty Komsomol organizer, after which the question of his expulsion from the Komsomol was raised. A fight happened in Czechoslovakia, where students were doing internships, in a bathhouse during a conversation about politics. The reason was the statement of the Komsomol organizer about the admissibility of destruction large number people to build socialism. In response to this, Yavlinsky called the Komsomol functionary “a cannibal, a Stalinist and a Maoist” and hit him with a bath basin. However, in the end, the Komsomol meeting of the university, which discussed Yavlinsky’s behavior, not only did not expel him from the Komsomol, but even gave him a recommendation to the party. In 1976, Yavlinsky defended his dissertation for the degree of Candidate of Economic Sciences on the topic “Improving the division of labor of workers chemical industry" , , , , , .

In 1976-77, Yavlinsky worked as a senior engineer, and in 1978-80 as a senior researcher at the All-Union Scientific Research Institute of Coal Industry Management (VNII Coal). He was involved in rationing the labor of workers and engineers of mines and open-pit mines. In connection with this, I traveled a lot around the country, spent a long time in Kemerovo, Novokuznetsk, Prokopyevsk. While visiting one of the open-pit mines, he got into an industrial accident - he and a group of workers and employees were in a flooded mine for several hours. They were rescued, but three of those involved in the accident died in the hospital from hypothermia. The result of Yavlinsky’s work at the All-Russian Research Institute was the development of a qualification directory that normalizes job rates and task volumes for various positions in the coal industry.

In 1980, Yavlinsky was appointed head (according to other sources, deputy head) of the heavy industry sector of the Labor Research Institute (Labor Research Institute) of the State Committee for Labor and social issues. In 1982 he became the head of the labor management sector of the department common problems this institute. In May 1982, he wrote a report “On Improving the Economic Mechanism in the USSR,” where he warned about the possibility of an economic crisis in the absence of serious economic transformations. The report was released in a limited edition under the heading "For official use only". In July, Yavlinsky was summoned to the first department of the institute (a division within the KGB structure at Soviet enterprises and research institutes that was involved in maintaining the secrecy regime), and the manuscript of the report and drafts were confiscated. According to Yavlinsky, after that, until the death of CPSU General Secretary Leonid Brezhnev in November of the same year, he went to the department almost every day and answered the question of where he got the information and conclusions for the report. Yavlinsky once replied that from an analysis of Marx’s works, , , .

Since 1984, Yavlinsky worked in the State Committee for Labor. Until 1985, he was deputy head of the consolidated department for labor and social issues, in 1985-88 - deputy head of the department for improving management systems. In 1986, together with his colleagues, he prepared a draft law on a state enterprise, which was rejected by the government. In 1989 he became the head of the department social development and population , , , .

At the end of 1989 (according to other sources, in 1990), Yavlinsky moved to the Council of Ministers of the USSR to the position of head of the consolidated economic department. According to media reports, Yavlinsky received this post thanks to the patronage of Academician of the Russian Academy of Sciences and first deputy chairman of the USSR government Leonid Abalkin, with whom he had often worked on scientific issues. In July-August, together with RAS academician Stanislav Shatalin, Yavlinsky led a group of economists who, at the joint request of the governments of the USSR and the RSFSR, developed the “500 days” program - a plan for transforming the Soviet economy into a market one. In August, Yavlinsky was appointed First Deputy of the Council of Ministers of the RSFSR. Despite the fact that the “500 days” program was approved by the Supreme Council of the RSFSR and the Supreme Councils of the Union Republics, its adoption was delayed. In this regard, in October 1990, Yavlinsky resigned.

After leaving the government, Yavlinsky created and headed the research institute “Center for Economic and Political Research - EPIcenter”. Under the leadership of Yavlinsky, employees of the Epicenter, together with scientists from Harvard University (USA), developed a program for integrating the Soviet economy into the world economic system, “Consent for a Chance.” The program was not implemented.

After the August 1991 putsch (an attempted coup by the State Committee for the State of Emergency, or GKChP), the government of the USSR effectively collapsed. Economic management was transferred to a specially created committee for the operational management of the national economy (KOUNH) headed by Ivan Silaev. Yavlinsky (along with the President of the Scientific-Industrial Union of the USSR Arkady Volsky and the Vice-Mayor of Moscow Yuri Luzhkov) was appointed deputy chairman of the committee with the rank of Deputy Prime Minister by decree of the President of the USSR Mikhail Gorbachev. The working group headed by him prepared the agreement "On economic cooperation between the republics of the USSR", the goal of which was to preserve a single economic space and market of the USSR, regardless of its future political structure. In October, the agreement was signed by representatives of ten union republics and ratified by the Supreme Council of the Russian SFSR. However, the first President of Russia, Boris Yeltsin, spoke out sharply against the agreement. According to In his opinion, without economic obligations to the less developed republics, Russia could quickly transition to a market economy. In November, Yeltsin offered Yavlinsky the post of prime minister in the government of the RSFSR on the condition of breaking economic ties with other republics. Ultimately, Yavlinsky refused the position of deputy prime minister. economic transformations, became Yegor Gaidar. Yavlinsky the day after the conclusion of the Belovezh Accords on December 8, 1991 (signed by Yeltsin and the heads of Ukraine and Belarus Stanislav Shushkevich and Leonid Kravchuk of the agreements on the dissolution of the USSR and the creation of the Union Independent States, or CIS) left the government, after which KOUNH ceased to exist , , , , , , , .

In January 1992, Yavlinsky again headed the Epicenter. In the spring, a group of economists under his leadership prepared an alternative project to Gaidar’s reforms. Yavlinsky repeatedly accused Gaidar and Yeltsin of excessive radicalism during the liberalization (release) of prices and inattention to social consequences such actions. In May-November 1992, EPIcenter, together with the administration of the Nizhny Novgorod region, headed by Boris Nemtsov, developed a program of regional reforms. Thanks to this program, price liberalization in the Nizhny Novgorod region was preceded by economic stabilization, ensured, in particular, by the first issue of regional loan bonds in the Russian Federation. In 1993-94, Yavlinsky led the development of the Moscow Privatization project, which was an alternative to the privatization plans of the head of the State Property Committee Anatoly Chubais. In 1995, Moscow Mayor Yuri Luzhkov approved Yavlinsky's program, , , , .

After Yeltsin's decree on the dissolution of parliament in September 1993 and the retaliatory attempts of the Supreme Council to remove the president from power, Yavlinsky proposed calling early elections of the president and parliament.

In December 1993, Yavlinsky participated in the elections to the State Duma as chairman of the Yavlinsky - Boldyrev - Lukin - Yabloko electoral bloc. Yavlinsky's deputies for the block were scientist and diplomat Vladimir Lukin and Epicenter employee Yuri Boldyrev. The creators of Yabloko considered it a democratic alternative to the current government. In the elections, the bloc received 7.86 percent of the votes, , , , .

In November 1994, immediately after the outbreak of the first Chechen conflict (1994-1996), Yavlinsky took a strong anti-war position. In November-December 1994, he offered himself as a hostage in exchange for Russian prisoners of war captured by Chechen separatists during a tank attack on Grozny. Later, Yavlinsky took an anti-war position and during the beginning of the second Chechen campaign in the fall of 1999. Through the media, he criticized the head of RAO UES and the co-chairman of the Union of Right Forces (SPS) Chubais for saying that “the Russian army will be reborn in Chechnya.” Yavlinsky called for negotiations with the head of the separatists, Aslan Maskhadov, and at the same time demanded that the government fight precisely the terrorists.

In January 1995, based on the block of the same name, it was created social movement"Apple". Yavlinsky became its chairman. In December of the same year, as the leader of the movement, he participated in the State Duma elections. According to the election results, Yabloko received 6.89 percent of the votes, , , , .

In 1996, Yavlinsky was nominated by Yabloko as a candidate for the presidency of the Russian Federation. In the elections held on June 16, he received 7.4 percent of the vote, taking fourth place after the current President of the Russian Federation Yeltsin (35.8 percent), the leader of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation Gennady Zyuganov (32.5 percent) and General Alexander Lebed (14.7 percent). In the second round of elections, which included Yeltsin and Zyuganov, Yavlinsky opposed both candidates. Lebed supported Yeltsin, who was elected president for the second time on July 3, gaining 53.82 percent of the votes.

In September 1998, after the State Duma twice refused to approve the candidacy of Viktor Chernomyrdin proposed by Yeltsin for the post of Prime Minister (he held this post in 1992-98), Yavlinsky proposed a compromise figure as Foreign Minister Yevgeny Primakov to replace the Prime Minister. After his appointment, Primakov offered Yavlinsky the post of First Deputy Prime Minister for Economic Affairs, but he refused. The reason for the refusal was disagreement with the economic program of the new chairman of the cabinet of ministers.

In December 1999, the Yabloko association headed by Yavlinsky again participated in the State Duma elections, gaining 5.98 percent of the votes and barely overcoming the five percent threshold established by law. The media explained this by Yavlinsky’s position on Chechnya, which does not take into account the current mood of voters, and by the good funding of Yabloko’s main rival, SPS, , , , .

In January 2000, Yavlinsky again participated in the presidential elections of the Russian Federation. He received 5.8 percent of the vote and took third place, behind Yeltsin's successor - acting president and prime minister Vladimir Putin (52.94 percent) - and Zyuganov (29.21 percent). Observers noted that Yavlinsky's participation in the elections was largely nominal - he had no chance of becoming president and only represented the democratic opposition to Putin in the elections (most of Putin's Union of Rightist Forces supported , , , , .

In March 2004, Yavlinsky, by decision of the Yabloko party, refused to participate in the presidential elections of the Russian Federation and, thus, actually boycotted them. This was due to the fact that, according to Yavlinsky, after the election campaign for the 2003 State Duma elections in Russia there was no opportunity to hold free and fair elections.

In February 2005, Yavlinsky defended his dissertation for the scientific degree of Doctor of Economics at the Central Economics and Mathematics Institute (CEMI). Dissertation topic: "The socio-economic system of Russia and the problem of its modernization."

Yavlinsky sharply opposed the criminal prosecution of the head of the Yukos oil company, Mikhail Khodorkovsky, explaining this prosecution for political reasons. After Khodorkovsky's conviction in May 2005, Yavlinsky confirmed that he believed trial, in which, according to him, the formal accusations do not coincide with the essence of the case, not legal, but political. At the same time, he noted that “selective repressive measures cannot solve the problem of overcoming the consequences of criminal privatization.”

In June 2007, at a meeting of Yabloko's federal council, Yavlinsky was nominated as a presidential candidate for the upcoming elections in March 2008. Novye Izvestia noted that on the eve of the start of the election campaign, his candidacy still had to be approved by the Yabloko congress; Yavlinsky himself admitted that in the end another person could become a candidate from his party. On September 16, 2007, the party congress approved the final version of the lists of its candidates to participate in the upcoming parliamentary elections. The top three on Yabloko's federal list was headed by Yavlinsky.

On December 2, 2007, parliamentary elections took place in Russia. Yabloko again failed to overcome the electoral threshold and get into the State Duma of the fifth convocation: the party received 1.59 percent of the votes.

In March 2008, Yavlinsky was invited to the Kremlin for a personal meeting with Russian President Putin. The details of their conversation remained unknown; it was only reported that in addition to general “issues of the country’s socio-economic development,” the situation of the opposition in Russia was also discussed. The conversation also concerned the arrest of the leader of the St. Petersburg branch of Yabloko, Maxim Reznik, accused of beating a police officer. When asked by Yavlinsky on REN TV whether Putin had made him any offer, the Yabloko leader did not give a clear answer, repeating several times: “I don’t know...”. A few days after Yavlinsky’s meeting with Putin, a representative of the St. Petersburg branch of Yabloko, Daniil Kotsyubinsky, suggested that the liberal politician leave the post of party leader. Addressing fellow party members, Kotsyubinsky stated that, in his opinion, Yavlinsky, by entering “in secret negotiations with the head of the political regime,” jeopardized the existence of the party as such.

On June 21, at the XV Congress of Yabloko, Yavlinsky refused to be nominated for the post of party leader in favor of the head of the Moscow branch of Yabloko, Sergei Mitrokhin. Explaining his choice, Yavlinsky emphasized that the party must move forward, and its representatives must be given the opportunity to grow and become leaders. “I dream that the party could exist without me - this is the meaning of my life,” Yavlinsky said. On June 22, Mitrokhin was elected as the new chairman of the party, - 75 out of 125 delegates (60 percent of delegates) voted for his candidacy. After resigning as head of Yabloko, Yavlinsky became a member of the party's political committee.

In December 2009, Yavlinsky became - along with the leader of the Business Russia organization and co-chairman of the Right Cause party Boris Titov and expert Vladislav Inozemtsev - one of the leaders of the public council "Zamodernization.RU", which was supposed to unite businessmen and experts to develop a strategy modernization of Russia.

At the same time, Yavlinsky continued to speak in the media. Thus, in the spring of 2011, the politician published an article “Lies and Legitimacy” on the Radio Liberty website. In it, Yavlinsky, pointing to the “continuously deepening and turning into an insurmountable split between the authorities and the people, the state and society” in the country, stated that the authorities in Russia after the crackdown Constituent Assembly in 1918 remains illegitimate, therefore it is necessary to reconvene this body so that it restores “genuine Russian statehood.”

In the fall of 2011, Yavlinsky headed the Yabloko list in the elections to the State Duma of the Russian Federation of the sixth convocation. According to the results of the voting held on December 4, 2011, the party did not overcome the five percent barrier and did not receive seats in parliament. Nevertheless, Yabloko managed to enter the legislative assembly of St. Petersburg at the same time: the party received 12.5 percent of the votes and 6 mandates. Yavlinsky, who also headed the party list in these elections, agreed to lead the Yabloko faction in St. Petersburg. He received a parliamentary mandate on December 14, 2011.

On December 19, 2011, the congress of the Yabloko party nominated Yavlinsky as a candidate for the post of President of Russia in the elections, which were scheduled for March 2012. On January 18, 2012, the politician submitted to the Central Election Commission the two million signatures of voters in his support required to participate in the elections. After checking the signatures, the Central Election Commission refused to register Yavlinsky as a candidate, rejecting 25.66 percent of the submitted signatures (according to the law, no more than five percent of marriages were allowed). February 8, 2012 Supreme Court The Russian Federation considered Yavlinsky’s complaint against the CEC’s decision, but recognized the refusal to register as legal.

Yavlinsky is the author of a number of works on economics. Including books - "Analysis of the USSR Economy" (1982), " New system management" (1988), "Prices and compensation" (1990), "Lessons of economic reform" (1993), "Reforms for the Majority" (1995). Regularly lectures on economics at domestic and foreign universities.

Yavlinsky is married. His wife, Elena Anatolyevna, is an engineer-economist by training, and studied with Yavlinsky at the Moscow Institute of Economics. She worked at the Giprouglemash Research Institute and subsequently did housework. The Yavlinskys have two sons - Mikhail and Alexey, born in 1971 and 1981. Mikhail (Yavlinsky’s adopted son, born in his wife’s first marriage) graduated from the Faculty of Physics at Moscow State University, lived in the UK in 2005, and worked as a journalist. Alexey also moved to the UK, and in 2005 he studied at one of the British technical institutes, studied computer science. Yavlinsky also has a brother, Mikhail, a Lvov entrepreneur, , , , .

Yavlinsky runs and sometimes boxes. Hobbies - communication with friends and family, ,.

Used materials

The Supreme Court recognized the CEC's refusal to register Yavlinsky as legal. - RIA News, 08.02.2012

The Central Election Commission refused to register Yavlinsky as a presidential candidate. - RIA News, 27.01.2012

Irina Nagornykh, Maxim Ivanov. Candidate elimination. - Kommersant, 01/23/2012. - No. 10/P (4795)

Alexey Gorbachev. The "apple" is ripe. - Independent newspaper, 19.12.2011

Victor Khamraev. Grigory Yavlinsky is a candidate again. - Kommersant, 12/19/2011. - No. 237/P (4778)

The Social Revolutionaries refused to take the mandates of the Legislative Assembly of St. Petersburg from the head of the electoral commission, unlike Yavlinsky. - RIA News, 14.12.2011

Deputies of the Legislative Assembly of St. Petersburg of the 5th convocation were presented with mandates. - RBC, 14.12.2011

The Central Election Commission of the Russian Federation announced the official results of the State Duma elections. - RBC, 09.12.2011

Yavlinsky will head the Yabloko faction in the Legislative Assembly of St. Petersburg. - ITAR-TASS, 07.12.2011

Yabloko approved the State Duma election list. - Infox.ru, 11.09.2011

Yabloko nominated G. Yavlinsky to the Legislative Assembly of St. Petersburg. - Business Petersburg, 07.09.2011

Grigory Yavlinsky. Lies and legitimacy. - Radio Liberty, 06.04.2011

Grigory Yavlinsky can rightfully be called one of the old-timers among Russian politicians. His Yabloko party, of which he is already the leader for a long time, is in opposition to the current government.

Since 1989, Yavlinsky's political biography has been developing rapidly. He works as Deputy Chairman of the Council of Ministers of the RSFSR.

At the same time, he is the head of the commission responsible for the transformation of economic reforms.

The result of his labors was the so-called “500 days” program. In it, he explained the transfer of the existing economy to market conditions, as well as the introduction of private property.

In 1991, Yavlinsky, who sympathizes with him, comes to power. Yeltsin even planned to give the post of prime minister to Yavlinsky, but this position still goes to Yegor Gaidar.

Soon, relations between Yavlinsky and Yeltsin deteriorated sharply. Grigory Alekseevich expresses a categorical protest regarding the signing of the Belovezhskaya Accords.

In 1993, a sharp turn occurred in Yavlinsky’s biography. He creates his own party, calling it “Yabloko”. Despite a good start, in the last elections the new political force took only 6th place.

It is noteworthy that party members have never been part of the current government. The ideology of Yabloko at that time was to end the Chechen war, modernize the army, and anti-monopoly in the economic sector.

In subsequent elections in 1996 and 2000, Yavlinsky ran for the post of head of government, first taking fourth and then third place.

In 2002, Yabloko did not enter the State Duma, and the politician himself, speaking about an unfair struggle for power, refused to participate in future elections.

In fact, leaving politics, he begins a new stage in his biography, namely teaching in High school economy.

Ten years later, in 2012, at the Yabloko congress, party members again nominated their leader for the presidency. However, the Central Election Commission refuses to allow the politician to participate in the election race due to a lack of votes.

Naturally, the politician himself did not agree with the commission’s decision.

Personal life

Grigory Yavlinsky is legally married to Elena Anatolyevna. They have two children: the eldest is Mikhail (born 1971), his wife’s son from her first marriage, and their common son– Alexey (born 1981).

Yavlinsky presidential candidate

In 2018, Yavlinsky appears in his biography new fight: He again became a presidential candidate, promising to win the elections against Putin.

There are eight candidates in total:

Family

Father: Alexey Grigorievich Yavlinsky (1919(?) - 1981), exact date birth unknown, lost his parents during the Civil War, in the 1930s he was brought up in the commune-colony of Anton Semyonovich Makarenko in Kharkov. After graduating from the colony, he entered flight school and then served in the army in Andijan. Participant of the Great Patriotic War. He ended the war as a senior lieutenant in the city of Vysoke Tatra (Czechoslovakia). After their wedding in 1947, the Yavlinskys lived in Lvov. Alexey Yavlinsky has worked in the system of children's correctional labor and educational institutions since 1949. In 1961, he was appointed director of a distribution colony for street children.

Mother: Vera Naumovna- born in 1924 in Kharkov. Immediately after the war, she moved with her family to Lviv from Tashkent, where the family lived in evacuation. Graduated with honors from the Faculty of Chemistry of Lviv University. She taught chemistry at the institute.

In 1952, the Yavlinskys had a son, Grigory, and in 1957, his brother Mikhail (born 1957), who now lives in Lvov and runs a small business.

Yavlinsky is married and has two sons.

Wife - Elena Anatolyevna(nee Smotryaeva), engineer-economist, worked at the Institute of Coal Engineering (Research Institute "Giprouglemash") before the "perestroika" layoffs.

Dear youngest son, Alexei(born in 1981), defended his Ph.D. thesis, works as a research engineer creating computer systems.

Adopted eldest son from his wife’s first marriage, Michael(born in 1971), graduated from the physics department of Moscow State University, department of theoretical physics and specialty " nuclear physics", works as a journalist.

Biography

In the first grade, Yavlinsky went to the third school in Lvov, and later moved to one of the special schools. Gregory excelled in most subjects (for example, by the eighth grade he spoke English fluently).

At school, Yavlinsky became acquainted with the work of English musical The group The Beatles, became a fanatical fan of them and even grew his hair long.

He twice became the champion of Ukraine in boxing among juniors in 1967 and 1968, but after the coach asked him to choose between boxing and “everything else,” Yavlinsky left the sport.

In 1968-1969, Yavlinsky left school (enrolled in evening school) and decided to work: he became a forwarder at the Lviv post office, at a haberdashery factory, then an electrician at the Lviv glass company "Rainbow", where he joined the team for setting up glass equipment . Despite the difficult working conditions (the workers worked next to hot furnaces), Yavlinsky was able to establish himself well and was accepted by other workers, who at first made fun of the youngest in the team.

In 1969 he entered the Plekhanov Moscow Institute of National Economy (MINKh) at the Faculty of Labor Economics. While studying, my friends and I published our own samizdat newspaper “We”. “How they didn’t put us in jail for samizdat at all,” Yavlinsky’s classmate later recalled Dmitry Kalyuzhny. However, he was under threat of expulsion from the institute not because of the samizdat press, but because of a quarrel with the Komsomol organizer. The quarrel turned into a scandal, but the future politician was saved by his classmates and friends: instead of expulsion, the Komsomol meeting recommended accepting him into the party.

In 1973 he graduated from the institute, and in 1976 he graduated from graduate school at the Ministry of Natural Sciences. Among his teachers was academician Leonid Abalkin. Doctor of Economic Sciences.

In 1978 he defended his Ph.D. thesis on the topic “Improving the division of labor of workers in the chemical industry.”

From 1976 to 1977 he worked as a senior engineer at the All-Union Scientific Research Institute for Coal Industry Management, and from 1977 to 1980 as a senior researcher there.

He was involved in rationing the labor of mine employees and engineers, worked in Kemerovo, Novokuznetsk, Prokopyevsk, and developed a special qualification reference book used in the coal industry. Once I got into an industrial accident at a mine, after which I was in the hospital (the doctors were unable to save some of the victims in that accident).

From 1980 to 1984 he worked as the head of the sector of the Research Institute of Labor of the State Committee for Labor and Social Issues (Goskomtrud), since 1984 - deputy head of the department and head of the department of the State Committee for Labor.

In 1982-1985, he was subjected to implicit political persecution for writing the work “Problems of Improving the Economic Mechanism in the USSR,” in which he predicted the onset of an economic crisis. The text and drafts of the book were confiscated from Yavlinsky and he was summoned several times for an interview at special department Institute. He also connects with this the attempt to forcefully treat him “for tuberculosis” in 1984-1985. Yavlinsky claims that he barely avoided surgery to remove a lung and was discharged from the hospital with a diagnosis of “perfectly healthy” after coming to power.

In 1986, together with colleagues from the State Committee for Labor, he wrote his draft law on a state enterprise, which was rejected by those who led the preparation of the law Nikolay Talyzin(Chairman of the USSR State Planning Committee) and Heydar Aliyev(1st Deputy Chairman of the Council of Ministers of the USSR) as too liberal.

On February 21, 2005, at the Central Economics and Mathematics Institute (CEMI) of the Russian Academy of Sciences, he defended his doctoral dissertation on the topic The socio-economic system of Russia and the problem of its modernization.

Author of more than sixty books and scientific publications. Latest: Realeconomik: The Hidden Cause of the Great Recession (and How to Avert the Next One). Yale University Press, 2011. And also: “Analysis of the USSR Economy” (1982), “The Grand Bargain” (1991), “Lessons of Economic Reform” (1994), “Russian Economy: Legacy and Opportunities” (1995), “Russia "s Phony Capitalism" (1998), "Incentives and Institutions: The Transition to a Market Economy in Russia" (Princeton University Press, 2000), "Demodernization" (2002), "Peripheral Capitalism" (2003), "Russian Prospects" (2006) and others.

Policy

Yavlinsky was a member of the CPSU from 1985 to 1991.

In the summer of 1989, Abalkin, having become deputy chairman of the Council of Ministers of the USSR, invited Yavlinsky to the post of head of the department and at the same time secretary of the State Commission of the USSR Council of Ministers for Economic Reform (“Abalkin Commission”).

In the spring of 1990, Yavlinsky, together with young economists Alexey Mikhailov And Mikhail Zadornov wrote a project for reforming the economy by transferring it to a market economy called “400 days.”

The program was sent to government members and leading economists and was proposed for implementation without attribution Mikhail Bocharov, running for the post of Prime Minister of the RSFSR (due to which many got the impression that he was the author of the program). After a showdown on the sidelines of the Congress of People's Deputies of the RSFSR, Bocharov recognized the authorship of Yavlinsky, who, after a conversation with Boris Yeltsin On July 16, 1990, he received the post of Chairman of the RSFSR State Commission for Economic Reform and Deputy Chairman of the Council of Ministers of the RSFSR.

Yeltsin proposed the idea of ​​this program (now called “500 days”) to Gorbachev for joint implementation. On their initiative, at the end of July 1990, it was created under the leadership of an academician Stanislava Shatalina working group, which was tasked with developing a unified union program for the transition to market economy based on "500 days". Shatalin was appointed deputy Nikolay Petrakov.

Work on the program, the main author of the program was Yavlinsky, lasted 27 days, and its idea led to a temporary political rapprochement between the leadership of the USSR and the RSFSR. The program provided for an agreement between sovereign republics on economic union, permission of all types of property, start of privatization state enterprises. To reduce the budget deficit, it was proposed to cut aid to developing countries, reduce spending on the army and government apparatus; monetary reform was not envisaged.

The program received the support of all 15 republics, but met resistance from the Council of Ministers of the USSR, led by and in October 1990, the Supreme Soviet of the USSR practically rejected it.

In the Supreme Soviet of the USSR, Gorbachev advocated combining the Yavlinsky-Shatalin programs and the alternative Abalkin-Ryzhkov program, which, according to both sides, was impossible.

When it became clear that the government of the USSR did not intend to implement the “500 days” program, Yeltsin announced that Russia was undertaking to carry it out alone, without the rest of the union republics, which was a purely political step, since the program designed for a union of republics could not be implemented in only one of them.

On October 17, 1990, Yavlinsky resigned from his post as Deputy Chairman of the Russian Council of Ministers. Subsequently, he emphasized that the implementation of the “500 days” would make it possible to preserve the union state.

In January 1991, he was appointed economic adviser to the Chairman of the Council of Ministers of the RSFSR (on a voluntary basis). At the same time, he headed the Inter-Republican Center for Economic and Political Research (EPICentre), which he organized.

He promoted another reform program, developed by him with the assistance of specialists from Harvard University (USA), “Consent for a Chance”, in which assistance from developed countries was to play a significant role in changing the Soviet economy.

In the spring of 1991, he was appointed a member of the Supreme Economic Council of Kazakhstan, an advisory body to the president. Nursultan Nazarbayev.

During the coup attempt in August 1991, he was in the White House; on August 20, 1991, he left the CPSU.

On August 22, 1991, together with the heads of law enforcement agencies, he went (as a “public witness”) to arrest the Minister of Internal Affairs of the USSR Boris Pugo (prior to their arrival, Pugo and his wife committed suicide).

On August 28, 1991 he became deputy Ivan Silaeva as chairman of the Committee for Operational Management of the National Economy of the USSR, responsible for economic reform. In this position he spoke with sensational statement about the size of the USSR's gold reserves, which turned out to be extremely small. Due to the dissolution of the USSR, the Committee ceased its work at the end of 1991.

From October to December 1991 he was a member of the Political Advisory Council under the President of the USSR. He was also a member of the working group for the preparation of the Agreement on Economic Cooperation between the republics of the USSR. Sharply criticized the Russian government’s disavowal of the signature of the Minister of Economy of the RSFSR Evgenia Saburova under the agreement on the Interstate Economic Community.

From June 1 to September 1, 1992, Yavlinsky's EPICentr, under an agreement with the administration of the Nizhny Novgorod region, worked out a regional reform program. The main measures to stabilize the economy were the issue of regional loan bonds, which was supposed to solve the problem of lack of cash, the release of producers from non-production expenses, as well as the introduction of the information system “Operational tracking of social indicators”. Yavlinsky believes that as a result of three months of work, he was able to create the basis for the formation of a market infrastructure and make a number of proposals regarding the “new federalism” in Russia (“to look for solutions not from the top down, but from the bottom up”). The results of the experiment are described in the book “Nizhny Novgorod Prologue” published by EPICentr (1993).

Yavlinsky also tried to apply the Nizhny Novgorod experience in Novosibirsk, where in October 1992 he became an economic consultant to the regional administration, and St. Petersburg, where the mayor Anatoly Sobchak invited him to develop an urban privatization model.

Joined the Public Council on Foreign and Defense Policy (SVOP) established on June 22, 1992 (along with Sergei Karaganov– the initiator of the creation and head of the SVOP, Sergei Stankevich, Evgeniy Ambartsumov, Arakdiy Volsky and others).

In November 1992, at the international seminar “Doing Business with Russia,” he made a policy statement in which he argued that the government’s financial stabilization policy Yegor Gaidar failed, and there are neither political nor economic prerequisites for it (“you cannot stabilize the currency of a country that does not exist”), pointed out the need to maximally simplify trade between the former Soviet republics and transition to systemic reforms (land reform and privatization). This statement was regarded as a "soft start to the election campaign."

In an interview with the Russkaya Mysl newspaper, he said that, if elected president, he would like to see on his team Yuri Boldyrev, Konstantina Zatulina("they will work").

After the bloody riots during the demonstration on May 1, 1993 in Moscow, he demanded that the authorities punish their perpetrators.

In September 1993, regarding Yeltsin’s decree on the dissolution of parliament and the retaliatory attempts of the Supreme Council (SC) to remove Yeltsin from power, at the first moment he stated that “the president’s decisions are certainly illegal, but the actions of the Supreme Council are illegitimate,” offering the conflicting parties “mutual refusal steps taken on September 21 and 22" and "setting a date for simultaneous early presidential and parliamentary elections" at the beginning of 1994 (i.e., a compromise program similar to the chairman's "zero option" Constitutional Court Valeria Zorkina).

On September 25, 1993, he signed the “Program of 14” ( Alexander Vladislavlev, Sergey Glazyev, Anatoly Denisov, Igor Klochkov, Vasily Lipitsky, Nikolay Ryzhkov, Vasily Tretyakov, Nikolay Fedorov, Egor Yakovlev etc.), which proposed holding simultaneous early parliamentary and presidential elections based on a modified “zero option”: decisions of all government bodies “affecting constitutional issues” are suspended from September 21, and the activities of the Supreme Council and its commissions are reduced to new elections to control functions and consideration of legislative initiatives of the government.

On September 28, 1993, at a press conference, he said that a compromise “according to Zorkin” was no longer realistic and that, in his opinion, parliament should mainly seek surrender firearms, and from the presidential team - simultaneous elections with their postponement from December to February-March 1994. Visited the White House on a mediation mission.

After the events of October 3, 1993, when parliament supporters seized the mayor's office and stormed Ostankino, he demanded a decisive suppression of the rebellion by military force.

In October 1993, he created his own electoral association, the Yavlinsky-Boldyrev-Lukin Bloc (Yabloko), which included the Russian Ambassador to the United States Vladimir Lukin, former head of the Control Directorate of the Administration of the President of Russia Yu. Boldyrev, Nikolay Petrakov, a number of EPICentre employees, as well as representatives of the Republican Party of the Russian Federation (RPRF), the Social Democratic Party of the Russian Federation (SDPR) and the Russian Christian Democratic Union - New Democracy (RHDS-ND) party (the parties became the formal founders of the bloc).

On December 12, 1993, he was elected to the State Duma on the Yabloko list. He was the chairman of the Yabloko faction in the State Duma of the first convocation and a member of the Duma Council.

At the end of 1994, he condemned the start of hostilities in Chechnya. He traveled to Chechnya with the aim of liberating Russian prisoners of war captured by the troops of Dzhokhar Dudayev (the trip was crowned with partial success).

In the 1995 State Duma elections, Yavlinsky headed the list of the Yabloko electoral association, which received 4th place (6.89% - 4,767,384 votes).

On February 9, 1996, the Central Election Commission registered authorized representatives of the Yabloko Association, which nominated Yavlinsky for President of the Russian Federation.

In the first round of the presidential elections on June 16, 1996, he received 5,550,710 votes, or 7.41% (fourth place after Yeltsin, Gennady Zyuganov and Alexander Lebed). On the eve of the second round, he called not to vote for Zyuganov, but did not make a direct recommendation to his supporters to vote for Yeltsin - which the Yeltsinists expected and demanded of him.

In April 1997, he opposed the signing of an agreement between Belarus and Russia.

Regarding the unification of Belarus and Russia, Yavlinsky stated that the time for unification has not yet come, and if the unification takes place on the basis of the existing agreement, the idea will simply be discredited and this will only aggravate the economic and political situation in both countries.

On May 6, 1997, at a meeting with Moscow State University students, he stated that it was necessary to amend the Constitution, which would deprive the president of the right to issue secret decrees, as well as to interfere by issuing decrees in economic policy. At the same time, Yavlinsky emphasized that all restrictions should not affect current president, since otherwise attempts to change the Constitution will be perceived as attacks on the powers of Yeltsin personally. At the same meeting, he called Yuri Luzhkov “a very capable person and a very capable politician,” and Anatoly Chubais- “one of the main architects of a system in which everyone steals.”

In 1998, he joined the leadership of the “Media Against Drugs” movement.

In September 1998, he was the first to propose a candidate for the post of Prime Minister Evgenia Primakova. After Primakov was approved for this post by the State Duma, he rejected the offer to join the government as Deputy Prime Minister for Social Issues.

In September 1999, Yavlinsky headed the federal list of the Yabloko electoral association in the elections to the Duma of the third convocation.

On December 19, 1999, he was elected to the State Duma (Yabloko received 6th place in the elections - 3,955,457 votes, 5.93%). He again headed the Yabloko faction in the Duma.

On January 15, 2000, the Central Council of Yabloko decided to nominate Yavlinsky as a candidate for the post of President of Russia by an initiative group of citizens (but formally not from Yabloko - so as not to convene an expensive congress, and also so that the nomination was not narrowly partisan).

On January 18, 2000, at the first meeting of the State Duma of the third convocation, the Yabloko faction refused all posts in the Duma in protest against the “conspiracy” with the communists of the pro-presidential Unity faction, which resulted in the election of Gennady Seleznev as Chairman of the Duma and the division of the majority of Duma committees between " Unity", the Communist Party of the Russian Federation and their satellite groups ("People's Deputy" and "Agro-Industrial").

On January 19, 2000, he was nominated as a presidential candidate by an initiative group of citizens led by Sergei Kovalev. On February 19 it was registered by the Central Election Commission.

On March 26, 2000, in the presidential elections he received 47,351,452 votes (5.80% - 3rd place after Putin and Zyuganov).

Since the fall of 2000 - co-chairman of the Russian Public Council for Educational Development (ROSRO).

In January 2001, he made a speech at the All-Russian Congress “In Defense of Human Rights”. In particular, he said:

"In ten years, our country has experienced two wars, one of which continues. Two defaults, one of them grandiose, in 1998. Hyperinflation in 1992, which destroyed all the material capabilities of our fellow citizens. In 1993, we faced the beginning civil war. The energy accumulated during this time begins to transform into a new quality - our country has stopped counting its dead. We now do not pay attention to how many people die every day both in hot spots and for many other reasons that are completely inexplicable from the point of view of logic, law and the Constitution. A country that does not count its dead is sent to a very dangerous path- she doesn’t care anymore. This is exactly what is needed for the biggest political adventures.".

In February 2001, in an interview, he said that in Russia “a corporate police state is being created... Putin does everything consciously and purposefully... He is perfectly aware of everything.”

At the same time, analyzing the annual activities new government, said that Russia risks becoming “not a strong, but an arrogant state” if the authorities do not give up the desire to build a “corporate, bureaucratic, police” state in the country with “complete domination of the official over the citizen.”

On April 3, 2001, in the “Itogi” program, he spoke out against new personnel appointments at NTV, and on April 4, 2001, he proposed that the State Duma of the Russian Federation consider a draft resolution in support of NTV. The State Duma did not support Yavlinsky's initiative.

In April 2001, he took the initiative to create the Democratic Conference - a broad coalition of democratic forces, the structure of which would exclude the dominance of individual politicians or parties.

On June 19, 2001, the first All-Russian Democratic Conference, convened on the initiative of Yavlinsky, began its work. 22 political and civil organizations took part in the Meeting.

In September 2001, Yavlinsky was accused former chairman Moscow youth "Yabloko" Andrey Sharomov And Vyacheslav Igrunov in authoritarianism and inciting internal party fights “in the spirit of Stalinism.” In response to this, he stated that, probably, Sharomov and Igrunov were simply implementing a plan to collapse Yabloko.

On September 18, 2001, a week after the largest terrorist attacks in the United States, he stated that Russia should actively participate in international anti-terrorist operations.

On October 14, 2001, he was elected chairman of the Regional Party "Yabloko" of Moscow (RPYA) (instead of Igrunov). He stated that he was forced to take over temporary management of the organization in order to bring it out of the crisis and would remain as chairman of the RPMY for several months.

On December 22-23, 2001, a congress was held at which Yabloko was transformed into political party. During a secret ballot on the night of December 23, Yavlinsky was again elected leader of Yabloko. 472 delegates voted for his candidacy, 33 voted against. There were no abstentions. No alternative candidates were put forward.

In April 2002, speaking at the conference “Vectors of Development of Modern Russia,” he said that a “corporate-bureaucratic system” had developed in Russia and there was a “transition to a police state,” and accused the Kremlin of censoring television.

On June 5, 2002, the Kuntsevo court of the capital partially satisfied the claim of the President of Bashkiria Murtaza Rakhimov on the protection of honor and dignity to Yavlinsky. The court ordered the defendant to pay the plaintiff 20 thousand rubles as compensation. During the election campaign to the State Duma in the fall of 1999, Yabloko activists distributed election leaflets in Bashkiria, which contained calls to vote for Yavlinsky’s supporters and criticism of local authorities. In particular, the current republican leadership was called “a feudal regime that is squeezing oil, gas, and minerals out of the republic.” The messages to voters were signed by Yavlinsky.

On October 23, 2002, at about 9 p.m. in Moscow, in the theater building at st. Melnikova, 17, where the musical "Nord-Ost" was being played, a group of 40 armed Chechens (including women) burst in and took all the spectators and actors hostage. In total about 800 people. The next morning, the terrorists demanded that Yavlinsky and Irina Khakamada come to them for negotiations. At this time, Yavlinsky was in Tomsk at the funeral of the tragically deceased leader of the regional branch of Yabloko, Oleg Pletnev. He urgently flew to Moscow and held negotiations with the terrorists late in the evening. Nothing was reported about their results.

On October 29, 2002, he was invited to a meeting with the president in the Kremlin. Putin thanked him “for his participation in the work to free the hostages”: “You are one of those who took part, played a very positive role and, unlike others, did not make PR out of it.”

On November 1, 2002, the State Duma refused to include in the agenda of the plenary session a draft resolution on the need for a parliamentary investigation into the circumstances of the capture and release of hostages in Moscow, proposed by the Yabloko faction. Yavlinsky stated that this happened as a result of the actions of the SPS faction.

“Firstly, the State Duma is afraid of freedom of speech, is afraid to provide a platform for independent deputies and uses the Duma apparatus, which, through manipulation and fraud, does not allow consideration of the resolution. Secondly, the Union of Right Forces is participating in this unscrupulous game. Their draft resolution is left on the agenda.”

According to Yavlinsky, the draft ATP was written to please the presidential administration, because all the blame is shifted to Moscow doctors. “But the decisions were made above the doctors.”

On December 23, 2002, at a press conference, he named politicians who, in his opinion, have no place in a single coalition of democratic forces. "These are members of the Union of Right Forces - people with whom we cannot cooperate for reasons of principle - such as Anatoly Chubais and Sergey Kiriyenko"He stated that it is quite acceptable for Yabloko to cooperate with Irina Khakamada and - to a large extent - with Boris Nemtsov."

According to Yavlinsky, trust in the union of democrats will be negligible if the coalition is headed by those who supported the war in Chechnya, carried out criminal privatization, built state financial pyramids and carried out selfish defaults.

In January 2003, the leaders of the Union of Right Forces, through representatives of a large Russian business offered Yavlinsky a compromise option for interaction between the two parties. This option provided for the formation of a single party list, the top three of which would be headed by Nemtsov, Yavlinsky and Khakamada. At the same time, Yavlinsky would be nominated as a single candidate from the democratic forces in the presidential elections.

On January 29, 2003, a meeting was supposed to take place between Yavlinsky and Nemtsov, at which they were supposed to discuss joint actions in the 2003 parliamentary elections. However, on January 28, the Union of Right Forces received a letter from Yavlinsky and his deputy Sergei Ivanenko, in which they refused the meeting: “Due to the fact that numerous print and electronic media have already outlined your proposals in detail and we were able to familiarize ourselves with them, the meeting scheduled on your initiative has lost its meaning.”

On April 27, 2003, at a meeting of the Bureau of the Federal Council of Yabloko, a statement from the bureau, signed by Yavlinsky, was adopted, which stated that the party faction in the State Duma was instructed to initiate raising the issue of the resignation of the government: The Bureau of the Federal Council of Yabloko believes that the Russian government is not coping with the responsibilities assigned to him, demonstrates complete inability... to ensure the security of the country and its citizens, to curb crime; failure of the most important economic reforms...; protection of the interests of large monopolies and oligarchic structures." In addition, Yabloko reproached the cabinet for “virtually abandoning military reform” and “inability to carry out administrative reform.”

In May 2003, a former ally of Yavlinsky spoke about her former party leader as follows:

“He is the bearer of mythological consciousness. At meetings with people, Yavlinsky tells how good it will be when Yabloko is in power. Mythological consciousness allows us not to solve existing problems, but to get away from them. He preaches sincerely, convincingly, but these are myths that presented so talentedly and skillfully that some voters believe".

On June 18, 2003, speaking in the State Duma during a discussion of the issue of no confidence in the government initiated by Yabloko and the communists, Yavlinsky called on the deputies “not to remain a technical Duma under a technical government” and announced that the Yabloko faction would vote for the resignation of the cabinet. The State Duma did not support the proposal to resign the government.

In July 2003, the Cheryomushkinsky Court of Moscow awarded Yavlinsky victory in his litigation with the journalist Alexander Gordon and M1 TV channel. Yavlinsky filed a lawsuit for the protection of honor, dignity and business reputation, and the court found Gordon’s statements that the USSR ceased to exist, among other things, because of the activities of the Yabloko leader, to be untrue, discrediting honor, dignity and business reputation. And also that the election campaign of Yavlinsky, who was aspiring to the presidency, was financed from the United States. In addition, Gordon called Yavlinsky a bribe-taker. According to the court decision, Gordon had to pay Yavlinsky 15 thousand rubles as compensation for moral damage.

On July 31, 2003, the interregional public movement “Yabloko without Yavlinsky” was established. The goal of the founders is to draw attention to the difficult situation in which the party found itself due to the policies of its leader. Leader of the movement Igor Morozov explained the purpose of the initiative this way:

“We have always supported the Yabloko party. We voted for it in the State Duma elections in both 1995 and 1999. The main thing for us has always been the party’s loyalty to democratic ideals and its independence from any government: both from the state and from big capital Previously, we believed that there was at least one party in the Duma that was distinguished by genuine intelligence and honesty towards voters. We do not like Yavlinsky’s weakness, power-hungry and populism. This pushes voters away from Yabloko. The party may not overcome the barrier of 5. % of votes in State Duma elections. Polls show the same thing. public opinion. And after failure in the elections, the party will disappear altogether as a political force. It pains us to see that at the moment, belonging to a party is associated with populism, destructiveness and irresponsibility.".

Sergei Mitrokhin called the establishment of the movement “a banal action of “black PR.” He also said that he is inclined to believe that “the order of the event is personally Anatoly Chubais and RAO UES, and Messrs. Gozman and Trapeznikov are doing this.”

On September 6, 2003, at the Yabloko party congress, Yavlinsky said: “The Yabloko candidate will participate in the Russian presidential elections in 2004.

In September 2003, Yavlinsky was included in the federal list of the Yabloko electoral association at No. 1 in the central part of the list for participation in the elections to the State Duma of the fourth convocation.

In September 2003, Yavlinsky announced that Yabloko would present its alternative draft federal budget for 2004, where social policy would be a priority.

On September 29, 2003, at a meeting of the Central Election Commission, Yabloko's complaint against the actions of the Yabloko without Yavlinsky movement was upheld. The Central Election Commission decided to contact the Ministry of Internal Affairs and the Prosecutor General's Office "with a proposal to suppress illegal activities."

On December 7, 2003, in the elections to the State Duma of the Russian Federation of the fourth convocation, the Yabloko party gained, according to official data, 4.3% (6th place after 5 parties that entered the Duma), thus failing to overcome the 5% barrier. According to other sources, Yabloko actually overcame the barrier, but its (as well as other parties) official percentage decreased due to a significant attribution of votes to the United Russia list.

On December 9, 2003, Yabloko began negotiations on creating a coalition with the Union of Right Forces and other parties. According to the head of the Yabloko election campaign, Sergei Ivanenko, the talk was about nominating a single candidate for the presidential election.

"Yabloko sets itself the task of creating a serious, large party over the next four years, which will truly unite the democratic opposition.".

At the congress, it was decided not to nominate a candidate for the presidential elections on March 14, 2004. Commenting on this decision, Yavlinsky said: “We would nominate our candidate if we considered it politically possible to participate in the elections. Free, equal, politically competitive elections are impossible in Russia.”

On March 29, 2004, the NTV television company reported that Yavlinsky could be appointed Russia's plenipotentiary representative in the European Union. The leadership of the Yabloko party confirmed this information.

In June 2004, Yavlinsky resigned as leader of the Moscow branch of Yabloko, which he held for two years, combining it with the post of party chairman. (Mitrokhin was elected as the new chairman of the Moscow branch of the party).

On July 3-4, 2004, at the congress of the Yabloko party, Yavlinsky was again elected chairman of the party (190 votes in favor out of 252 delegates to the congress; the alternative candidate was the then head of the Sverdlovsk regional organization"Apple" Yuri Kuznetsov received 59 votes.

In October 2004, Yavlinsky was awarded the International Prize for Freedom. The prize has been awarded since 1985 for consistent advocacy of the principles of democracy and human rights; was nominated for the prize by the “Liberals, Democrats and Reformers” faction of the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe.

On December 12, 2004, speaking at the congress “Russia for democracy, against dictatorship”, he said that all democratic forces could unite around his party. “To overcome helplessness and pseudo-democracy, it is necessary to unite democratic forces, and Yabloko offers its party as the basis for such a unification.”

On July 2, 2005, Yavlinsky rejected the possibility of uniting with the Union of Right Forces, since, in his opinion, this party is undemocratic and associated with power.

On September 10, 2005, the Moscow branch of the Union of Right Forces decided to contact Yabloko with a proposal to run in the Moscow City Duma elections on December 4, 2005 with a single list under the Yabloko brand (election blocs were prohibited by this time), but with the condition that two seats in the first The top three on the list will go to ATP.

On September 23, 2005, Yavlinsky said: “We agree to a compromise solution: the first place in the general democratic list... will be taken by the representative of the Union of Right Forces, Moscow City Duma deputy Dmitry Kataev. At the same time, the central part of the list is reduced to two people and the second position will be given to the Moscow City Duma deputy from Yabloko.” Evgeniy Bunimovich."

On September 25, 2005, SPS leader Nikita Belykh and Yavlinsky announced that the list would be headed not by Kataev, but by Moscow City Duma deputy Ivan Novitsky.

On November 10, 2005, Yavlinsky and Belykh distributed special appeal, in which they called on their supporters to come to the polls and vote for the “Apple-United Democrats” list.

On December 4, 2005, in the elections to the Moscow City Duma, the Yabloko - United Democrats list gained 11.11% (third place).

December 12, 2005, speaking at the All-Russian Civil Congress. Yavlinsky proposed a program of action - the concept of a new social contract. According to him, the basis of the agreement is “overcoming the alienation between the government and society, the abolition of all unjust decisions, as well as solving the problem of property”: “The fate of Russia is being decided not on the street, but through a new social contract. We need de-Stalinization and de-Bolshevization of the country.”

On November 14, 2006, a party statement signed by Yavlinsky was published, which stated that Yabloko considers the abolition of the turnout threshold for elections at all levels, proposed by United Russia, as “another step to turn elections into a farce.” This proposal “directly leads to the elimination of the institution of real elections in Russia and its replacement with imitation.”

On June 21-22, 2008, at the XV Congress of Yabloko, he proposed electing Sergei Mitrokhin as the new chairman of the party, which was carried out (the congress elected Yavlinsky himself as a member of the political committee).

On February 28, 2009, by decision No. 10 of the Political Committee of the Yabloko RUDP, Yavlinsky’s proposed concept of overcoming the crisis and high-quality economic growth “Land-Houses-Roads” was adopted. The “Land-Houses-Roads” program was transferred to the Head of Government Vladimir Putin and President Dmitry Medvedev in the same year, but no action was taken to implement it.

On the night of September 10-11, 2011, at the XVI Yabloko Congress, it was decided that the party’s electoral list for the State Duma elections on December 4, 2011 would be headed by Grigory Yavlinsky.

December 4, 2011 official results The party did not overcome the five percent voting threshold and did not receive seats in parliament. However, she gained more than in the previous elections, receiving 3.43%, which guaranteed the party state funding. Yabloko also managed to get its deputies into three regions, including the Legislative Assembly of St. Petersburg: here the party received 12.5% ​​of the votes and 6 mandates. Yavlinsky, who also headed the party list in these elections, agreed to lead the Yabloko faction in St. Petersburg. He received a parliamentary mandate on December 14, 2011.

On December 19, 2011, the congress of the Yabloko party nominated Yavlinsky as a candidate for the post of President of Russia in the elections, which were scheduled for March 4, 2012.

On January 18, 2012, he submitted to the Central Election Commission the two million signatures of voters in his support required to participate in the elections. After checking the signatures, the Central Election Commission refused to register Yavlinsky as a candidate, rejecting 23% of the submitted signatures.

On February 8, 2012, the Supreme Court of the Russian Federation considered Yavlinsky’s complaint against the decision of the Central Election Commission, but recognized the refusal to register as legal. Yavlinsky himself commented on the withdrawal of his candidacy from the elections for political reasons.

In December 2011 - March 2012, Yavlinsky actively supported protests against election fraud that took place in Russia, and repeatedly spoke at “For Fair Elections” rallies in Moscow.

At the beginning of 2012, he suffered a serious heart attack, as a result of which doctors recommended that he adjust his busy schedule and lifestyle.

On March 18, 2012, he was hospitalized in a Moscow clinic with an attack of angina pectoris and therefore missed the opposition rally at Ostankino. On March 27, he was discharged from the hospital.

On May 14 and 15, 2012, Yavlinsky visited St. Isaac's Square in St. Petersburg, where the opposition camp was located.

In June 2015, Grigory Yavlinsky gathered for the fourth time for the presidential election campaign for the President of the Russian Federation.

In August 2016, the Russian Central Election Commission registered the federal list of candidates for the State Duma of the seventh convocation of the Yabloko party.

The federal part of the party's list was headed by the "founding father" of Yabloko, Grigory Yavlinsky. The federal part of the list also included the chairman of the party, ex-co-chairman of RPR-PARNAS, leader of the Pskov branch of Yabloko, ex-chairman of the party Sergei Mitrokhin, adviser to Yavlinsky Mark Geilikman, deputy chairman of Yabloko Nikolay Rybakov And Alexander Gnezdilov, ex-mayor of Petrozavodsk Galina Shirshina and State Duma deputy.

Income

In 2013, Yavlinsky filed a declaration of income for the previous year in the amount of 7.4 million rubles earned through scientific activities. His wife earned 116 rubles in a year.

Rumors (scandals)

In the spring of 1996, when the presidential election campaign began, the son of a politician Mikhail Yavlinsky became a victim of political blackmail. He was kidnapped by unknown criminals, whose identities were never established.

Grigory Yavlinsky received the package. The severed finger of the son’s right hand was wrapped in a note: “If you don’t leave politics, we will cut off your son’s head.”

Immediately after this, Mikhail was released. Doctors performed a successful reconstructive operation. It was after this that the sons of Grigory Yavlinsky moved to London for safety reasons.

May 10, 2004 in the TV program Andrey Karaulov"Moment of Truth" was a story about oil fields"Sakhalin-1" and "Sakhalin-2", developed by Shell. The story reported that “as a result of the transfer of these mines foreign company Russia lost at least $2.5 billion,” in addition, “42 thousand residents of Sakhalin froze in their apartments due to the fact that the local authorities cannot buy Sakhalin gas from Shell at world prices.”

Russian politician, economist Grigory Alekseevich Yavlinsky was born on April 10, 1952 in the city of Lvov (Ukraine). In his youth, he was actively involved in sports, twice becoming the champion of Ukraine in boxing among juniors.

In high school, Grigory Yavlinsky studied at an evening school for working youth and at the same time worked: first for a short time at the Lviv Post Office as a forwarder, then at a leather goods factory, in 1968-1969 as an electrician at the Lviv glass company "Rainbow".

In 1969 he entered the Moscow Institute of National Economy. Plekhanov, who graduated in 1973 with a degree in economics. In 1976 he completed his postgraduate studies at this institute.

In 1976-1980 he worked at the All-Union Scientific Research Institute of Coal Industry Management (VNII Coal): in 1976-1977 - senior engineer, from 1977 to 1980 - senior researcher.

In 1980-1984, Yavlinsky was the head of the heavy industry sector of the Research Institute of Labor of the State Committee for Labor and Social Issues (Goskomtrud).

From 1984 to 1989 - deputy head of the consolidated department, head of the department of social development and population of the State Labor Committee.

In 1989, he moved to the apparatus of the Council of Ministers of the USSR to the position of head of the consolidated economic department.

In July-August 1989, Yavlinsky led a group of economists who developed the “400 days of trust” program for radical economic reforms in the USSR.

In July 1990, he was approved as Deputy Chairman of the Council of Ministers of the RSFSR, Chairman of the State Commission of the Council of Ministers of the RSFSR on economic reform. Based on the “400 days”, he developed the concept and program of economic reforms “500 days”.

In October 1990, Yavlinsky resigned due to the fact that the implementation of the “500” days program, approved by the Supreme Council of the RSFSR and the Supreme Councils of the union republics, was delayed.

Yavlinsky is the author of many books, scientific works and articles, including “Lessons of Economic Reform” (1993), “Russian Economy: Legacy and Opportunities” (1995), “Crisis in Russia: the end of the system? The beginning of the path?” (1998), "Demodernization". (2002), “Peripheral capitalism” (2003), “Prospects for Russia” (2006), “Twenty years of reforms - interim results? Russian society as a process" (co-authored, 2011).

Grigory Yavlinsky is the winner of several awards, including the prize of the Czech public Liberal Institute "For his contribution to the development of liberal thinking and the implementation of the ideas of freedom, private property, competition and the rule of law" (2000), "For Freedom" (2004).

Yavlinsky is married and has two sons. His wife, Elena Yavlinskaya, is an engineer-economist by training, previously worked at the Giprouglemash Research Institute, and has been a housewife since 1996. The Yavlinskys' eldest son, Mikhail (born in 1971), graduated from the physics department of Moscow State University and works as a journalist. The youngest son Alexey (born in 1981) works as a research engineer creating computer systems.

The material was prepared based on information from open sources

(born 1952) Russian economist and statesman

The leader of the Yabloko faction in the State Duma of Russia is now known not only in all countries of the former Soviet Union, but also practically all over the world. Some people admire him, others scold him. However, a detailed analysis of its activities has probably not yet been done. Yes and past life Yavlinsky is known to few people.

After all, unlike other politicians, he did not belong to either the party or industrial elite. He did not study at Moscow State University or the Academy of Social Sciences, where many leading politicians of the CIS and Russia received their education. Like Anatoly Chubais, Yavlinsky came to politics after a long practical work.

Gregory was born in the city of Lvov. His father was a military man, headed a children's reception center in Lvov, and as a child he himself was a pupil of Anton Semenovich Makarenko's colony. Mother taught chemistry at the Forestry Institute.

In the ninth grade, Grigory Yavlinsky dropped out of school and went to work as a mechanic, and continued his education at evening school. Then he worked as a forwarder, accompanying the mail of the Lviv Post Office, and was an apprentice as an electrician on duty at the Raduga glass company.

Only after this Grigory Alekseevich decided that it was time to get higher education. He studied at one of the most prestigious educational institutions- Moscow Institute of National Economy named after Georgy Valentinovich Plekhanov, after graduating from which he entered graduate school there and defended his PhD thesis in economics. His scientific supervisor was Academician L. Abalkin.

Then Grigory Yavlinsky was sent to the Coal Research Institute and there he worked his way up to senior researcher. He is still well known in the mines, where they still use the normative reference book by Grigory Alekseevich Yavlinsky.

From the Coal Institute he moved to the Labor Institute, where he soon became one of the chief economists. But even there he dealt with problems far from macroeconomics. Grigory Alekseevich Yavlinsky also worked for several years at the State Committee on Labor and Social Issues. It seemed that he had a typical career as a successful scientist, which led to a quiet and peaceful old age.

The appearance of Yavlinsky in big politics was a kind of tribute to the times. However, even here he did not remain in the shadows. Having demonstrated his natural intelligence and talent, Grigory Yavlinsky very soon turned into an interesting political figure. He first attracted attention when he became one of the authors of a program called “400 days,” which contained specific recommendations for economic reform. Soon after Boris Yeltsin became president, Yavlinsky was appointed deputy prime minister. We can say that he was lucky here too. He was a fairly narrow specialist, practically unknown outside the closed circle of his colleagues, and not involved in any political battles.

But the most significant event in his life was still ahead. Grigory Alekseevich Yavlinsky becomes one of the authors new program- “500 days”, which determined future fate countries. Along with other progressive economists, he tried to prove the necessity and expediency of the country's transition to a market system. Since 1991, Grigory Yavlinsky became an adviser to the Chairman of the Council of Ministers of the RSFSR, as well as a member of the Political Advisory Council under the President of the USSR.

In April 1991, Yavlinsky received an official invitation from the US State Department to take part in the G7 meetings. Having received Gorbachev's consent, he headed a group of Soviet and Western economists at Harvard University, which developed a project for the transition of the Soviet economy to a market under the motto “consent to chance.” That’s why journalists later called him “the gravedigger of the Soviet economy.”

In the August 1991 events, Grigory Alekseevich Yavlinsky participated on the side of B. Yeltsin and, in particular, went with a group of employees to arrest the former Minister of Internal Affairs B. Pugo. At the same time, he was appointed deputy chairman of the committee for operational management of the national economy. In the same year, Grigory Yavlinsky became chairman of the board of the scientific society “Center for Economic and Political Research”.

For some time, Grigory Alekseevich worked in Kazakhstan. At the invitation of President Nursultan Nazarbayev, he helped carry out reforms there and was the closest adviser to the head of state. But he soon left the republic along with the Epicenter research association he organized. The republic's leadership turned out to be unprepared for those decisive actions that Yavlinsky had always advocated, and instead of reforming the economy, they limited themselves to talking about this topic.

After the publication of decree No. 1400 on the dissolution of the Supreme Council of Russia, Grigory Yavlinsky took a wait-and-see attitude. However, already on the night of October 3-4, he appeared on Russian television with a decisive call to use force against the defenders of the Supreme Council of the Russian Federation, to make arrests among the “red-browns” and expel them from big cities.

In December 1993, as one of the leaders of the “Yavlinsky, Boldyrev, Lukin” bloc, he ran for election to the State Duma.

Both in 1996 and 2000, Grigory Alekseevich Yavlinsky participated in the presidential elections. He took the most intractable position among all the contenders, choosing the tactics of non-intervention, consistently dissociating himself from any initiatives not only of his opponents, but also of potential supporters.

In the election campaign, Grigory Yavlinsky often adheres to the following tactics - he deliberately intensifies the battle and comes out with vivid and rather categorical assessments of his opponents. But in a calm environment, he moves away and prefers not to stand out.

He is always followed by a small but politically positioned portion of voters who hope that their leader will one day achieve success.

Grigory Alekseevich Yavlinsky is married. His wife is an engineer-economist, and they have two sons.