The concept of a political party, its functions and ideology. Features of the party system, its main types: one-party, two-party and multi-party. The history of the creation of the Liberal Democratic Party of Russia (LDPR), its leadership, ideology and program.

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The LDPR today is the only real party in Russia!

We are often asked the same question: what has the LDPR given Russia since its formation?

Vladimir Volfovich Zhirinovsky:"Today, many people talk about liberalism. It means the free development of society. The LDPR is the first party that even in its name indicated a commitment to liberalism - the Liberal Democratic Party of Russia. This happened in 1989. The rest who talk about liberalism have only matured now. The Union of Right Forces says that they are liberals, and Yabloko says they are liberals, and even the United Russia"."

But WE were the first. Another phenomenon that is so popular these days is patriotism. It was also the first to be put on the agenda by the LDPR in the late 80s. Since May 1991, as a presidential candidate, Zhirinovsky declared patriotism as the basis of the LDPR ideology. Love Russia, main people- Russian, to national issue eliminate discrimination as a legacy of the proletarian internationalism of the CPSU. In any building, no matter how beautiful the windows and lampshades are, the main thing is the foundation. We remove the foundation and the building collapses. So is the national composition. The Russian people must hold the entire country together. He is everywhere. And he created everything.

In the country's political system, the LDPR became the progenitor of two trends - liberalism along with patriotism. A reasonable combination for Russia. There are liberals in the West, but there are no conflicts there, there are no special problems, it’s like they’re making a mess there, polishing is going on public relations. But our foundation is still shaking, there are still many unresolved issues - the Caucasus is smoking, forests are burning because there are not enough firefighters, there are many other disasters. Therefore, the LDPR has already made a huge contribution to the development of political culture in Russia.

The LDPR is a party of patriotic democrats. We are for freedom, but freedom should not turn into anarchy. Taking up a weapon and shooting, some consider this freedom, but such liberation ends in great sacrifice.

Why is the LDPR ideology better than others? Our parents have already experienced the ideology of the left. This is a dead-end ideology, a beautiful fairy tale. Yes, a just society is communism. But it will never be fair, because we are all different. Some are older, some are younger, some are healthier, some are smarter. Therefore, the principle of communism: “Work as hard as you can, and get paid as you want” is super-fiction. Then everyone will want to get luxury houses, cars, beautiful clothes, but they will not be able to work well. This is a dead-end, not to say stupid, ideology, a deception of people. We are tired of the CPSU. It is impossible for one party to rule the country, because one party in a one-party regime is actually no longer a party, but a part of the state. There are many parties now. There is a choice. People must choose. Here are four directions.

The first is leftist ideology, the ideology of the poor. But no one wants to be poor. Everyone wants to escape from the pool of poverty, so this is a vicious ideology. She lost to us.

Secondly, the ideology of the Democrats is not suitable, because they again take someone else’s formula. They are repeating the mistake of the Bolsheviks. They took the theory of communism from the West. It was just a theory. They decided to put us to sleep. Therefore, everything that the West, SPS and Yabloko do does not take root here. We have a different civilization, a different way of life, a different history.

Third is the ideology of the party in power. There are many of these parties, six or seven. This is Gaidar’s “Democratic Choice of Russia”, and Shakhrai’s PRESS, and Chernomyrdin’s People’s Democratic Republic, and Luzhkov’s “Fatherland”. Now there is United Russia, there are several more. But parties are not made from above. A party is when a part of citizens unites on the principles of common beliefs and a common ideology. This is exactly how we can hope for votes, and not otherwise. And an attempt to create an organization, especially from above, almost force people to join the party, as they do with United Russia - all TV stars and pop prima donnas were enrolled in the party! - forcing these idiots called “Walking Together” to go to subbotniks means repeating the path of the CPSU in its very worst case scenario. This is the third option, happening before everyone’s eyes.

The fourth option is the Liberal Democratic Party. We are soon 30 years old. The oldest party. We have a clear economic program, foreign policy, national, on education and health care, in a word, on all vital positions that make it possible not only to pull Russia out of the “democratic” hangover, but also to make the country and all its inhabitants worthy among the most developed countries in the world, to return We have universal respect and honor.

Take a closer look at us. There are already almost 300,000 of us. WE are a team.

The future of Russia belongs to US.

Do right choice!

LDPR is a party of statists. We consider the theses about the withering away of the state in the era of globalization to be erroneous. Further movement towards a unipolar world, in which the global financial elite essentially assumes the functions of a behind-the-scenes supranational government, will inevitably end in disaster.

The Russian state must become a strong power, capable of:

- withstand any external pressure;

— protect the country’s citizens from external threats;

- grow new ones internal sources strength for accelerated development;

- to become the center of political and economic crystallization of the new pole of the world.

Russian statehood must be cemented by a monolithic national will, the source of which can only be the Russian people. Russian statehood must become the cradle of a new, fairer society that will ensure free development and a decent life for every citizen of Russia.

Political system, legislative and executive powers

The LDPR states that a one-party political system has developed in Russia - one party “wins” by a large margin in all elections at all levels. One party has real legislative power. Opposition political forces are systematically not allowed to come to power. Instead of real democracy, a system of imitation democracy is emerging in the country.

Russia needs evolutionary and thoughtful political reform. The political system must return to the framework provided for by the Constitution, to the mainstream of real democracy and competition of political forces.

The main goals of this political reform It should not be the number of parties or democratic institutions of society, but quality indicators: the professional level of deputies, governors and officials; their ability to really decide important issues. The duty of deputies at all levels, politicians and officials is to participate in open debates on television, to specifically express their position in the media, and not to hide behind the backs of their citizens.

At the same time, the functions of the State Duma must be expanded and the responsibility increased. The tasks facing the country are too complex and large-scale for decisions on them to be prepared exclusively in the administrations of the President or the Chairman of the Government.

We offer:

1. Legislatively limit the number of seats in the Federal and regional parliaments that the party that wins the elections receives - no more than 40%.

2. Establish by law a procedure obliging the President and Chairman of the Government to consult with the leadership of parties represented in the State Duma before making important political decisions.

3. Expand the format of the annual report of the State Duma on adopted bills - to assess the effectiveness of the laws and responsibility for their implementation.

4. Legislatively limit the tenure of any leader, including governors, to no more than 10 years or two terms of office established by law.

5. Legislatively assign to the political opposition the functions of control and supervision over the implementation of the budget and compliance with legal norms - appoint representatives of the opposition to the positions of the head of the Accounts Chamber of the Russian Federation and the Prosecutor General.

Federal policy and government structure

National-territorial principle government system ineffective and dangerous because it leads to an increase interethnic conflicts and carries with it the threat of the collapse of Russia. The current borders of the constituent entities of the Russian Federation were created artificially, without taking into account national, historical and economic factors. Russia must be transformed from a federal to a unitary state: without any national republics or national districts as subjects of the state.

The creation of a unitary state will eliminate the preconditions for local separatism and restore the priority of national interests over local ones. Conditions will be created for more rational management of the economy, and many unnecessary, sometimes harmful, bureaucratic government bodies will disappear.

LDPR proposes legislatively introduce a number of fundamentally new provisions, incl. to the Constitution of the country:

1. Russia is a unitary (single) state, administrative division which consists of provinces.

2. Russia is a presidential republic with a unicameral parliament - the State Duma with 300 deputies, each of whom is elected by approximately 300 thousand voters. Elections of the President of Russia and deputies of the State Duma are held once every five years. Today it is necessary to strengthen the role of parliament in governing the country. The main problem The legislative branch can only be decided by the coalition composition of the State Duma, in which no party has an absolute majority of votes. The work of the highest legislative body should be based on the interests and wishes of citizens, and not by completely pushing through some narrow lobbying position.

3. As a collective body of power, the State Council is formed, which includes ex officio the President of Russia, the First Minister (Chairman) of the Government, the Chairman of the State Duma, ministers of power, the Minister of Foreign Affairs, the Minister of Finance, the Chairman Constitutional Court and governors. There is no longer any need for the Federation Council; it is subject to dissolution.

Regional policy and local government

The administrative-territorial division of Russia into 83 subjects of the Federation reduces the efficiency of governing the country, breeds corruption, and contributes to the development of regional separatism. By manipulating budgets, deciding individually “who to give and who not,” governors have the opportunity to influence the heads of districts and local governments as a whole. This leads to mutual responsibility, hushing up the problems of regions and territories, forcing election fraud in favor of the party that the governor or head of the district “plays along”.

In addition, the LDPR cannot help but notice the regional dependency of the leaders of a number of national republics, for which federal subsidies per capita often exceed by an order of magnitude the allocations for the development of the original Russian regions of Russia. The LDPR believes that such national and regional policies provoke justified discontent among the Russian people. While advocating the liquidation of national entities, we consider it necessary to simultaneously enlarge and reduce the number of subjects of the Federation.

LDPR proposes:

1. Legislatively increase the responsibility of regional heads for the socio-economic situation in a specific territory.

2. Legislatively expand the functions of local self-government:

- provide residents settlements, districts and territories the right to independently or through elected representatives resolve all issues related to the distribution of local budgets;

— provide local communities with the right to evaluate local officials and challenge heads of settlements, districts and territories.

Public organizations

LDPR is categorically against politicization public organizations, against the merger of the functions of public organizations and political parties. We believe that the activities of civil society should not consist of “democratic extremism”, when the implementation of decisions is sabotaged through the organization of protests, but in constant monitoring of the activities of officials, in a constructive and substantive dialogue with the authorities.

The LDPR believes that by inviting public organizations to its party lists, the party in power “bribes” the leaders of these organizations with political career opportunities, thereby paving the way for the leadership of public organizations, as was already the case during the times of the CPSU.

By developing civil society, we advocate for laws that promote better interaction between government and society; more protection and maximum realization of the rights and freedoms of Russian citizens.

LDPR speaks :

1. For expanding the status and rights of public organizations:

— for the creation of temporary territorial public organizations without formation legal entity;

— for simplifying mandatory reporting for public organizations;

- for responsibility officials who ignore requests from public organizations;

2. For legislative introduction into Administrative Code the concept of “social extremism incompatible with statutory activities” with a significant fine or arrest for leaders of public organizations inciting citizens to extreme forms of protest.

https://www.site/2018-03-28/pereformatirovanie_ldpr_kem_ili_chem_zamenit_zhirinovskogo

He's the only one

Reformatting the LDPR: who or what to replace Zhirinovsky?

Kristina Kormilitsyna/Kommersant

After the inauguration of the president, noticeable changes will begin to occur in the political field of Russia. Not only personnel changes are expected in the government, the presidential administration and among governors, but also a reformatting of parties. The changes will almost certainly affect the LDPR, although this party project is the most difficult to update - it is too tied to its permanent leader Vladimir Zhirinovsky.

Vladimir Zhirinovsky is now 71 years old, and he has headed the Liberal Democratic Party of Russia since its founding, since 1992. Zhirinovsky traditionally participates in presidential elections, but in the last one he received the weakest result in his entire personal history - 5.65%. Zhirinovsky's resignation from the post of leader of the LDPR has been talked about for several years, but now the talk has begun with renewed vigor.

Zhirinovsky himself, in response to questions about the timing of his departure from active politics, has already told reporters: “You won’t wait.” He also published a fragment from his “farewell speech”, in which he actually announces his retirement from politics - but in 2036 and from the post of Chairman of the State Council.

The site’s interlocutors, close to the presidential administration, believe that changes in the LDPR are inevitable and their harbinger will be a struggle for compromising materials between contenders for Zhirinovsky’s place.

"Young" and "family"

There are two basic concepts for changing the leader of the LDPR, says the site’s interlocutor. The first is the transfer of the party literally along the family line, to Zhirinovsky’s son, State Duma deputy and head of the LDPR faction Igor Lebedev. The second option is that the leader of the party becomes someone from the younger generation of the LDPR deputy corps, for example, 36-year-old Mikhail Degtyarev, 35-year-old Alexei Didenko or 36-year-old Yaroslav Nilov.

LDPR.Ru

Degtyarev ran in the 2013 Moscow mayoral elections and received 2.86% of the vote, and in March 2018, Zhirinovsky even called him one of the possible presidential candidates from the LDPR in the 2018 elections (however, he ended up running himself). One of the latest initiatives of Degtyarev, who heads the State Duma Committee on Physical Culture, Sports, Tourism and Youth Affairs, is the introduction of a 20% tax on any investments in foreign sports teams in favor of the sports development program in Russia, as well as a bill on the creation of independent professional sports leagues

LDPR.Ru

Alexey Didenko is a member of the State Duma Committee on Constitutional Legislation and State Building. In 2015, he participated in the gubernatorial elections Kemerovo region, gaining 1.78% of the votes. Like Degtyarev, Zhirinovsky named Didenko among the possible presidential candidates in 2018. In September 2017, Didenko participated in the elections for governor of the Tomsk region and received 19.38% of the votes, and in December 2017 he headed the election headquarters of Vladimir Zhirinovsky.

LDPR.Ru

Yaroslav Nilov headed the committee on affairs in the last State Duma public associations And religious organizations, and in the State Duma of the current convocation there is a committee on social policy and Veterans Affairs. In 2016, Zhirinovsky called Nilov one of his possible successors. Like Degtyarev, he completely owes his career to Vladimir Zhirinovsky, to whom he remains absolutely loyal (evil tongues in the party say that he is potentially ready to enter into negotiations with the presidential administration on the issue of leadership in the party if there is a sanction for this from Zhirinovsky, but so far there were no proposals from the Kremlin). Both Nilov and Degtyarev, of course, cannot openly declare their ambitions, since another group will immediately begin to play against them - the family of Zhirinovsky himself and his neighbors in the dacha cooperative, also deputies of the LDPR faction.

Yaroslav Nilov explained his position on the issue of succession in the LDPR as follows: “Vladimir Zhirinovsky periodically indeed names a number of names, but I believe that in the next 50 years the issue of changing the leader is irrelevant for the LDPR.”

As for Igor Lebedev, who represents the Zhirinovsky family clan in the party, lately his reputation was greatly damaged - however, like the entire LDPR faction - by his position on publicly defending their colleague, the head of the committee on international affairs Leonid Slutsky. Togo is accused of sexual harassment to journalists. After the first accusations were made, Lebedev said that he would seek to deprive the journalists accusing Slutsky of their parliamentary accreditations for libel. Lebedev’s reaction set the vector for the escalation of the conflict, which ultimately led to a complete or partial boycott of the State Duma by several dozen publications, including regional ones.

In addition to him, Zhirinovsky’s inner circle includes his neighbors in the Nadezhny HOA, who heads it ex-wife Galina Lebedeva (Zhirinovsky officially divorced her long ago, but got married at the same time). Among the founders of the HOA are LDPR members Vladimir Bryukhanov and Alexander Balberov.

Ideology instead of leaderism

Two interlocutors in the LDPR have different assessments of the internal situation in the party. One interlocutor says that the issue of the leader’s successor is not even discussed - “especially such conversations would be indecent,” another, on the contrary, predicts an aggravation, including with the possible publication of incriminating evidence about each other through third parties. In particular, incriminating evidence can be of a sexual nature. Sources in the party say that even if Zhirinovsky steps away from the formal leadership of the party, he will clearly retain the informal status of “patriarch” (like Vladimir Putin in relation to United Russia).

The head of the Political Expert Group, Konstantin Kalachev, recalls that now the voters of the LDPR are the voters of Zhirinovsky and that the LDPR is now a typical leadership party, with all the pros and cons of this construct.

LDPR.Ru

“The software settings are eclectic, the leader can turn 180 degrees if necessary,” explains Kalachev. — In regional elections, the party most often plays the role of a junior partner of United Russia, although this is not advertised. Can the LDPR survive Zhirinovsky? Any party becomes real only when and if it outlives its founder. It will not be possible to promote Degtyarev, Nilov or Lebedev like Zhirinovsky. They are different. But, having placed their bets on a well-spoken young pragmatist, they could look for other options to strengthen their electoral positions.”

Such options could be working with the local and regional agenda, as well as national patriotism “in a version that does not frighten the authorities.” “Russian nationalists are deprived of the opportunity to legally participate in political life. But the mood hasn’t gone away,” explains Kalachev. In general, the LDPR faces not only a search for a leader, but also a search for ideology, the expert is sure. “Now they vote for the LDPR because of Zhirinovsky. We need to look for other motivations. The electoral core is quite stable, but is not growing, but shrinking. The party needs a reboot, or this project will die along with Zhirinovsky,” the political scientist believes.

The main trait that Zhirinovsky’s successor should have is acting, says political scientist Abbas Gallyamov. “The artistic talents of the leader of the LDPR are the only reason, according to which the voter votes for this party. If the successor turns out to be a less bright character, her electorate will completely disperse. Neither ideology nor any other considerations matter. The voter should see “young Zhirinovsky” in his successor,” the expert believes.

The change of the leader of the LDPR, like the reformatting of other parties, is not a problem that should be solved urgently. “This has more to do with the future Duma elections in 2021, so the problem will be resolved slowly, in 2018-2019,” notes the publication’s interlocutor close to the AP. According to him, the reboot of the party system will affect not only the personalities, but also the ideology of the parties.

The parliamentary parties refused to talk about the problem anonymously, and were extremely wary of the idea of ​​new leaders joining their leadership. " Parliamentary parties, despite the image of “puppets”, are not absolutely dependent structures, and even if the Kremlin wants to bring someone new to their leadership, it will have to negotiate this with the party members themselves, and this will be extremely difficult,” says the interlocutor in one of parties.

; formed in December 1989; initially came out with populist-democratic slogans, since the mid-1990s it has declared its goal to create a rule of law with a powerful central authority regulated market economy, active foreign policy. Chairman of the party - V.V. Zhirinovsky.

The initiative group for the creation of the Liberal Democratic Party formed in the summer and autumn of 1989 around Vladimir Valentinovich Bogachev, who left the Democratic Party of Lev Ubozhko, which in turn broke away from the Democratic Union. In the fall of 1989, Bogachev was joined by Vladimir Zhirinovsky, who had been advocating a project for the creation of the Social Democratic Party of Russia since May 1988. December 13, 1989 at the apartment of V.V. Bogachev held an organizational meeting of the Liberal Democratic Party. At the beginning of 1990, the party consisted of 13 people.

Despite its small number, the party gained fame thanks to the tacit support of power structures interested in creating a legal opposition in the USSR. The creation of the Liberal Democratic Party was announced in mass media at the beginning of March 1990, after the election of M.S. Gorbachev to the post of President of the USSR. During this period, Zhirinovsky gave interviews to a number of party publications, held several press conferences at the press center of the CPSU Central Committee together with the head of the Union democratic forces named after Sakharov" V.V. Voronin.

At the Founding Congress of the party, which was held on March 31, 1990 in Moscow in the building of the Rusakov House of Culture, the creation of the Liberal Democratic Party of the Soviet Union (LDPSS), which unites “more than three thousand people from 31 regions of the country and is the first opposition party in the USSR." On April 12, 1991, the party was registered by the USSR Ministry of Justice as the Liberal Democratic Party of the Soviet Union. V.V. was nominated for the role of party leader. Zhirinovsky. He took part in the presidential elections in the RSFSR (1991) and received 7.81% of the votes, taking third place according to the voting results. During the attempted coup in August 1991, Vladimir Zhirinovsky made a statement about “support for the transfer of all power in the USSR to the State Emergency Committee of the USSR, the restoration of the validity of the USSR Constitution throughout the country.” In December 1991, the Liberal Democratic Party condemned the Belovezh Accords and held rallies against the collapse of the USSR.

On August 10, 1992, the Ministry of Justice of the Russian Federation canceled the registration of the Liberal Democratic Party. As it turned out, when registering the party in 1991, a list of 146 party members was submitted, whereas according to the law, a union-level party must have at least 5 thousand people. However, on December 14, 1992, the party was re-registered by the Ministry of Justice as the Liberal Democratic Party of Russia. In the elections of the State Duma of the first convocation on December 12, 1993, the LDPR received the most votes (22.92% of the votes) and brought 64 of its representatives into the Duma. In the elections State Duma of the second convocation in December 1995, the LDPR received 11.18% of the votes and 51 Duma mandates. In 1996, in the presidential elections, LDPR candidate V.V. Zhirinovsky took fifth place with 5.7% of the votes.

The LDPR was not allowed to participate in the elections of the State Duma of the third convocation in December 1999. The hastily formed “Zhirinovsky Bloc” received 5.98% of the votes and 17 Duma mandates. In the 2000 presidential elections, LDPR candidate V.V. Zhirinovsky took fifth place with 2.7% of the votes. In the elections of the State Duma of the fourth convocation on December 7, 2003, the LDPR received 11.45% of the votes (third place) and 36 Duma mandates. In the 2004 presidential elections, LDPR candidate O.A. Malyshkin took fifth place with 2.02% of the votes. In the elections of the State Duma of the fourth convocation on December 2, 2007, the LDPR received 8.14% of the votes and 40 Duma mandates.

According to the official program document, the LDPR stands for liberalism and democracy, rejects communist ideology and Marxism. According to the ideology of the LDPR, the main spokesman for the interests of people and society is the state; all interests of citizens must be subordinated to the state. Personal freedom is recognized to the extent that it does not conflict with state and public interests. The LDPR believes that the government should strictly control the activities of large corporations. The LDPR calls for the restoration of Russia as a great power without its division into national republics. Party representatives have repeatedly spoken out against the “dominance of non-Russians in business and power structures"," for "the priority of the Russian people in the state." In reality, the party's program corresponds little to the classical principles of liberalism or liberal democracy and is closer to nationalism and statism. Since the second half of the 1990s, it has become clear that the LDPR is not actually an opposition party, but often supports government initiatives.