Union of Salvation 1816 1818. Union of Salvation

Salvation Union ("Union of Salvation")

first secret political society Decembrists. Created in February 1816 on the initiative of A. N. Muravyov (See Muravyov) by a group of young guards officers, participants in the Patriotic War of 1812 and foreign trips 1813-14. "WITH. With." numbered about 30 members: N. M. Muravyov, S. I. Muravyov-Apostol and M. I. Muravyov-Apostol, S. P. Trubetskoy, I. D. Yakushkin, P. I. Pestel, E. P. Obolensky , I. I. Pushchin, M. S. Lunin, M. N. Novikov and others. At the beginning of 1817, the charter of “S. With." and a new name. Program goal "S. With." consisted of the abolition of serfdom and the introduction of a constitutional monarchy through open action at the time of the change of emperors on the throne. Preparing for a revolutionary coup, members of “S. With." they had to strive to expand the composition of society and occupy the most important positions in the military and civil sectors, and actively shape public opinion, especially among the advanced nobility. "WITH. With." was divided into three degrees - “boyars”, “husbands”, “brothers” - and was built on the principles of deep secrecy and strict discipline with the unquestioning subordination of the lower degrees to the higher ones, who alone could know the ultimate goal of society. The admission of new members, as well as internal movement from lower to higher degrees, was allowed only with the consent of the supreme council of the “bolyar” and was carried out according to a carefully developed system of rituals and oaths borrowed from Masonic ritual. In "S. With." Radical and moderate currents emerged. The subject of controversy was issues of tactics and the closed-complicated structure of society. The disagreements became extremely aggravated in the fall of 1817 in Moscow (the main core of the “S.S.” moved here as part of the Guard). Several projects of regicide have matured. However, they were rejected due to lack of funds and unpreparedness of “S. With." to decisive action. In this situation, the prevailing opinion was the dissolution of “S. With." and creating based on it new organization, more capable and wider in composition. As an intermediate cell, the “Military Society” was founded, and at the beginning of 1818 - the “Union of Welfare”.

Lit.: Nechkina M.V., “Union of Salvation”, in the collection: Historical Notes, vol. 23, M., 1947. See also lit. at Art. Decembrists.

Great Soviet Encyclopedia. - M.: Soviet Encyclopedia. 1969-1978 .

See what the “Union of Salvation” is in other dictionaries:

- (“Society of True and Faithful Sons of the Fatherland”) secret political society, the first Decembrist organization that arose in Russian Empire February 9, 1816 on the basis of two pre-Decembrist organizations “Holy Artel” and ... ... Wikipedia

- “UNION OF SALVATION”, the first of secret societies Decembrists. Created in 1816 by A. N. and N. M. Muravyov, M. I. and S. I. Muravyov Apostles, S. P. Trubetskoy, I. D. Yakushkin, M. S. Lunin, M. N. Novikov, F. P. Shakhovsky. The union was small in number... Encyclopedic Dictionary

"Union of Salvation"- “Union of Salvation”, first secret organization Decembrists. Created on February 9, 1816 on the initiative of A. N. Muravyov at a meeting in the apartment of S. I. and M. I. Muravyov Apostles in the officer barracks of the Semenovsky regiment (not preserved). By 1817 "Union" ... ... Encyclopedic reference book "St. Petersburg"

The first secret organization of the Decembrists. Created on February 9, 1816 on the initiative of A. N. Muravyov at a meeting in the apartment of S. I. and M. I. Muravyov Apostles in the officer barracks of the Semenovsky regiment (not preserved). By 1817, the “Union” united over... ... St. Petersburg (encyclopedia)

First secret political organization Decembrists in 1816 17. According to the charter (1817), the name is the Society of True and Faithful Sons of the Fatherland. Founders: A. N. and N. M. Muravyov, S. P. Trubetskoy, M. I. and S. I. Muravyov Apostles, I. D. Yakushkin, M. S.... ... Big Encyclopedic Dictionary

The first secret organization of the Decembrists, created in 1816, according to the charter (1817) was called the Society of True and Faithful Sons of the Fatherland. Founders: A. N. and N. M. Muravyov, S. P. Trubetskoy, M. I. and S. I. Muravyov Apostles, I. D. Yakushkin, M. S. Lunin, M ... Russian history

The first of the secret societies of the Decembrists. Created in 1816 by A. N. and N. M. Muravyov, M. I. and S. I. Muravyov Apostles, S. P. Trubetskoy, I. D. Yakushkin, M. S. Lunin, M. N. Novikov, F. P. Shakhovsky. Political science: Dictionary reference book. composition... Political science. Dictionary.

Secret politics organization that laid the foundation for the activities of the Decembrists. Created in Feb. 1816 on the initiative of A. N. Muravyov by a group of young guards. officers, participants of the Fatherland. war of 1812 and foreign campaigns of 1813 14. S. p. totaled approx. 30 members... Soviet historical encyclopedia

The first secret political organization of the Decembrists in 1816 17. According to the charter (1817), it was called the “Society of True and Faithful Sons of the Fatherland.” Founders A. N. and N. M. Muravyov, S. P. Trubetskoy, M. I. and S. I. Muravyov Apostles, I. D. Yakushkin, ... ... Encyclopedic Dictionary

Salvation Union- Union of Salvation (Decembrist Society) ... Russian spelling dictionary

Books

Extracts from old written, old printed and other books, testifying to the holiness of the Catholic and Apostolic Church and the need to obey its statutes in order to achieve salvation (Print-on-Demand), Ozersky A.I. , This book will be produced in accordance with your order using Print-on-Demand technology by LLC Book on Demand A polemical anti-schism code compiled by a merchant... Category: Library Science Publisher: YOYO Media, Manufacturer: Yoyo Media,
Extracts from old written, old printed and other books, testifying to the holiness of the Catholic and Apostolic Church and the need to obey its statutes in order to achieve salvation, Ozersky A.I. , Polemical anti-schismatic code compiled by the merchant Andrian Ivanovich Ozersky. The code contains excerpts from old printed books confirming the wrongness of the Old Believers. For the first time... Category:

Decembrists- participants in the Russian noble opposition movement, members of various secret societies of the second half of the 1810s - the first half of the 1820s, who organized an anti-government uprising on December 14, 1825 and were named after the month of the uprising.

In the first decades of the 19th century, some representatives of the Russian nobility considered autocracy and serfdom disastrous for further development countries. In their midst, a system of views developed, the implementation of which was supposed to change the foundations Russian life. The formation of the ideology of the future Decembrists was facilitated by:

Russian reality with its serfdom;

The patriotic upsurge caused by the victory in Patriotic War 1812;

The influence of the works of Western enlighteners: Voltaire, Rousseau, Montesquieu, F. R. Weiss;

The reluctance of the government of Alexander I to carry out consistent reforms.

The ideas and worldview of the Decembrists were not united, but they were all directed against the autocratic regime and serfdom.

"Order of Russian Knights" (1814-1817)

In 1814, in Moscow, M. F. Orlov and M. A. Dmitriev-Mamonov created a secret organization “Order of Russian Knights”. Its goal was to establish a constitutional monarchy in Russia. According to N. M. Druzhinin, “The Dmitriev-Mamonov project goes back to the Masonic-mystical revolutionism of the Great Era French Revolution».

"Union of Salvation" (1816-1818)

In March 1816, guards officers (Alexander Muravyov and Nikita Muravyov, captain Ivan Yakushkin, Matvey Muravyov-Apostol and Sergey Muravyov-Apostol, Prince Sergey Trubetskoy) formed a secret political society "Union of Salvation" (from 1817 "Society of True and Faithful Sons of the Fatherland" ). It also included Prince I. A. Dolgorukov, Major M. S. Lunin, Colonel F. N. Glinka, adjutant of Count Wittgenstein (commander-in-chief of the 2nd Army), Pavel Pestel and others.

The charter of the society (“Statute”) was drawn up by Pestel in 1817. It expresses its goal: to strive with all one’s might for the common good, to support all good measures of the government and useful private enterprises, to prevent all evil and eradicate social vices, exposing the inertia and ignorance of the people, unfair trial, abuses of officials and dishonest actions of private individuals, extortion and embezzlement, ill-treatment with soldiers, disrespect for human dignity and non-respect of individual rights, dominance of foreigners. The members of society themselves were obliged to behave and act in all respects in such a way as not to deserve the slightest reproach. The hidden goal of the society was the introduction of representative government in Russia.

The Union of Salvation was headed by the Supreme Council of the “boyars” (founders). The remaining participants were divided into “husbands” and “brothers”, who were supposed to be grouped into “districts” and “governments”. However, this was prevented by the small size of the society, which numbered no more than thirty members.

I. D. Yakushkin’s proposal to carry out regicide during the stay of the imperial court in Moscow caused disagreements among members of the organization in the fall of 1817. The majority rejected this idea. It was decided, having dissolved the society, to create on its basis a larger organization that could influence public opinion.

"Union of Welfare" (1818-1821)

In January 1818, the Union of Welfare was formed. The existence of this formally secret organization was quite widely known. There were about two hundred people in its ranks (men over 18 years old). The “Union of Welfare” was headed by the Root Council (30 founders) and the Duma (6 people). “Business councils” and “side councils” in St. Petersburg, Moscow, Tulchin, Poltava, Tambov, Nizhny Novgorod, Chisinau were subordinate to them; there were up to 15 of them.

The goal of the “Union of Welfare” was proclaimed to be the moral (Christian) education and enlightenment of the people, helping the government in good endeavors and mitigating the fate of the serfs. The hidden purpose was known only to members of the Root Council; it consisted in establishing constitutional government and eliminating serfdom. The Welfare Union sought to widely disseminate liberal and humanistic ideas. For this purpose, literary and literary-educational societies were used (“Green Lamp”, “ Free Society lovers of Russian literature”, “Free Society for the Establishment of Schools Using the Method of Mutual Education” and others), periodicals and other publications.

At a meeting in St. Petersburg in January 1820, when discussing future form board, all participants spoke in favor of establishing a republic. At the same time, the idea of regicide and the idea of a provisional government with dictatorial powers (proposed by P.I. Pestel) were rejected.

The charter of the society, the so-called “Green Book” (more precisely, its first, legal part, provided by A.I. Chernyshev) was known to Emperor Alexander himself, who gave it to Tsarevich Konstantin Pavlovich to read. At first, the sovereign did not recognize in this society political significance. But his view changed after the news of the revolutions of 1820 in Spain, Naples, Portugal and the revolt of the Semyonovsky regiment (1820).

Later, in May 1821, Emperor Alexander, after listening to the report of the commander of the guards corps, Adjutant General Vasilchikov, told him: “Dear Vasilchikov! You, who have served me since the very beginning of my reign, you know that I shared and encouraged all these dreams and these delusions ( vous savez que j'ai partagé et encouragé ces illusions et ces erreurs), - and after a long silence he added: - it’s not for me to be strict ( ce n'est pas a moi à sévir)". The note by Adjutant General A.H. Benckendorf, in which information about secret societies was presented as completely as possible and with the names of the main figures, also remained without consequences; after the death of Emperor Alexander, it was found in his office in Tsarskoe Selo. Only a few precautions were taken: in 1821 an order was made to establish military police at the Guards Corps; On August 1, 1822, the highest order was issued to close Masonic lodges and secret societies in general, no matter what names they existed under. At the same time, a signature was taken from all employees, military and civilian, stating that they did not belong to secret societies.

In January 1821, a congress of deputies from various departments of the Union of Welfare was convened in Moscow (from St. Petersburg, from the 2nd Army, and also several people who lived in Moscow). Due to escalating disagreements and measures taken by the authorities, it was decided to dissolve the society. In reality, it was intended to close the society temporarily in order to weed out both unreliable and too radical members, and then recreate it in a narrower composition.

Chronology

1816 - 1817 Activities of the Union of Salvation.
1818 - 1821 Activities of the Union of Welfare.
1821 Formation of the “Southern Society”.
1821 - 1822 Formation of the “Northern Society”.
1825, December 14 Decembrist uprising in St. Petersburg.
1825, December 29 Uprising of the Chernigov regiment.

Social movement in Russia in the 19th - early 20th centuries.

In the history of socio-political thought Russia XIX century takes its toll special place. During these years, the destruction of the feudal-serf system and the establishment of capitalism occurred at a particularly rapid pace. As Herzen wrote, at the beginning XIX century, “there were almost no revolutionary ideas, but power and thought, imperial decrees and humane words, autocracy and civilization could no longer go hand in hand.”

In Russia, an internally free layer of the intelligentsia is gradually emerging onto the political arena, which will play an outstanding role in the 19th century. There was also an awareness of the need for change in the government camp. However, the autocracy and various political forces had significantly different ideas about the paths of change. In accordance with this, three main trends in the development of socio-political thought stand out clearly in the history of Russia: conservative, liberal and revolutionary.

Conservatives sought to preserve the foundations of the existing socio-political system. Liberals put pressure on the government to force it to implement reforms. Revolutionaries sought profound changes in various ways, including through a violent change in the country's political system.

A feature of the social movement in early XIX century there was dominance of the nobility. This is explained primarily by the fact that in the environment nobility An intelligentsia was formed that began to realize the need for political changes in the country and put forward specific political doctrines.

The Russian bourgeoisie did not actively participate in these years social movement because she was absorbed in accumulation, profit in the conditions of initial accumulation. She didn't need political reforms, but administrative and legislative measures that contributed to the development of capitalism. The Russian bourgeoisie was quite satisfied with the economic policy of tsarism, aimed at the development of capitalism. The political capacity of the Russian bourgeoisie lagged far behind its economic power. It entered the economic struggle at a time when the Russian proletariat was already playing an active role in the socio-political struggle, having created its own political party.

During the years when the authorities refused reforms, a revolutionary political trend clearly emerged. It was Decembrist movement. The main factor in its emergence was the socio-economic, especially political, conditions of Russia’s development.

In 1825, the most far-sighted nobles already understood that the fate of the country and the nobility itself was not limited to royal benefits and favors. The people who came to Senate Square themselves wanted to free the peasants and establish representative bodies of power. While sacrificing their destinies and lives for the people, they could not sacrifice their privilege to decide for the people without asking them.

“We are the children of 1812,” wrote Matvey Muravyov-Apostol, emphasizing that the Patriotic War became the starting point of their movement. More than a hundred Decembrists took part in the war of 1812, 65 of those who would be called state criminals in 1825 fought to the death with the enemy on the Borodino field. Acquaintance with the progressive thought of French and Russian enlighteners strengthened the desire of the Decembrists to put an end to the causes of Russia's backwardness and ensure the free development of its people.

Academician M.V. Nechkina, a famous researcher of the history of the Decembrist movement, called main reason its origins in the crisis of the feudal-serf, autocratic system, i.e. Russian reality itself, and secondarily noted the influence of European ideas and impressions from the foreign campaigns of the Russian army.

Your first secret society Salvation Union” Guards officers A.N. Muravyov, N.M. Muravyov, S.P. Trubetskoy, I.D. Yakushkin, founded in 1816. V St. Petersburg. The name was inspired by the French Revolution (Committee of Public Safety - the French government of the era of the “Jacobin dictatorship”). In 1817, P.I. joined the circle. Pestel, who wrote its Statute (charter). A new name also appeared - “Society of True and Faithful Sons of the Fatherland.” The revolutionaries planned, at the time of the change of monarch on the throne, to force him to adopt a Constitution limiting royal power and abolishing serfdom.

Based on the “Union of Salvation” in 1818 in Moscow was created "Union of Welfare" which included more than 200 people. This organization set itself the task of promoting anti-serfdom ideas, supporting the liberal intentions of the government, creating public opinion against serfdom and autocracy. It took 10 years to solve that problem. The Decembrists believed that conquering society would help avoid the horrors of the French Revolution and make the coup bloodless.

The government's abandonment of reform plans and a transition to reaction in foreign and domestic policy forced the Decembrists to change tactics. In 1821 in Moscow, at the congress of the Union of Welfare, it was decided to overthrow the autocracy through a military revolution. From the vague “Union” the decision was made to move to a conspiratorial and clearly formed secret organization. IN 1821 — 1822 gg. arose “ South" And " Northern” society. IN 1823 an organization was created in Ukraine “ Society of United Slavs”, by the fall of 1825 it merged with the “Southern Society”.

In the Decembrist movement throughout its existence, there were serious disagreements on issues of ways and methods of implementing reforms, on the form of the country's government, etc. Within the framework of the movement, one can trace not only revolutionary tendencies (they manifested themselves especially clearly), but also liberal tendencies. The differences between the members of the “Southern” and “Northern” societies were reflected in the programs developed by P.I. Pestel (“ Russian truth") and Nikita Muravyov (“ Constitution”).

One of the most important questions remained the question of state structure Russia. According to the “Constitution” N. Muravyova Russia was turning into constitutional monarchy where executive power belonged to the emperor, and the legislative one was transferred to the bicameral parliament, - People's Assembly. The Constitution solemnly proclaimed the people to be the source of all state life; the emperor was only “the supreme official of the Russian state.” The suffrage provided for a fairly high voting qualification. The courtiers were deprived voting rights. A number of basic bourgeois freedoms were proclaimed - speech, movement, religion.

By " Russian truth" Pestel Russia announced republic, power in which, until the implementation of the necessary bourgeois-democratic transformations, was concentrated in the hands of Temporary Supreme Rule. Next supreme power was transferred to the unicameral People's Assembly of 500 people, elected for 5 years by men from the age of 20 without any qualification restrictions. The highest executive body was State Duma(5 people), elected for 5 years by the People's Assembly and responsible to it. Became the head of Russia president. Pestel rejected the principle of a federal structure; Russia remained united and indivisible.

The second most important question is the question of serfdom. Both N. Muravyov’s “Constitution” and Pestel’s “Russian Truth” strongly advocated against serfdom. “Serfdom and slavery are abolished. A slave who touches the Russian land becomes free,” reads § 16 of N. Muravyov’s Constitution. According to “Russian Truth”, serfdom was immediately abolished. The liberation of the peasants was declared the “holiest and most indispensable” duty of the Provisional Government. All citizens had equal rights.

N. Muravyov proposed that the liberated peasants retain their personal land “for vegetable gardens” and two acres of arable land per yard. Pestel considered the liberation of peasants without land completely unacceptable and proposed solving the land issue by combining the principles of public and private property. The public land fund was to be formed through the seizure without redemption of landowners' lands, the size of which exceeded 10 thousand dessiatines. From landholdings of 5 - 10 thousand dessiatines, half of the land was alienated for compensation. From the public fund, land was allocated to everyone who wanted to cultivate it.

The Decembrists associated the implementation of their programs with a revolutionary change in the existing system in the country. Taken as a whole, Pestel’s project was more radical and consistent from the point of view of the development of bourgeois relations in Russia than Muravyov’s project. At the same time, both of them were progressive, revolutionary programs for the bourgeois reorganization of feudal Russia.

Representatives of the “Northern” and “Southern” societies planned a joint performance in the summer of 1826. But the unexpected death of Alexander I, which occurred on November 19, 1825 in Taganrog, entailed a dynastic crisis and forced the conspirators to change their plans. Alexander I did not leave an heir, and according to the law, the throne passed to his middle brother Constantine. However, back in 1822, Constantine signed a secret abdication. This document was kept in the Synod and the State Council, but was not made public. On November 27, the country swore allegiance to Constantine. Only on December 12 did an answer come about the abdication of Constantine, who was in Poland. On On December 14, the oath to Nicholas was appointed, younger brother.

The Decembrists’ plan was to withdraw troops to Senate Square (where the Senate and Synod buildings were located) and prevent senators from swearing allegiance to Nicholas I, forcefully force them to declare the government overthrown, and issue a revolutionary “ Manifesto to the Russian people y”, compiled by K.F. Ryleev and S.P. Trubetskoy. The royal family was to be arrested in the Winter Palace. A dictator, i.e. The leader of the uprising was Colonel of the Guard, Prince S.P. Trubetskoy, chief of staff - E.P. Obolensky.

At 11 a.m., several companies of the Moscow Regiment entered Senate Square. Governor General M.A. addressed the rebels. Miloradovich with a call to return to the barracks and swear allegiance to Nicholas I, but was mortally wounded by a shot from Kakhovsky. The number of rebels gradually reached three thousand, however, lacking leadership (Trubetskoy never showed up at Senate Square), they continued to stand waiting. By this time, Nikolai, seeing that “the matter was becoming serious,” pulled about 12 thousand people to the square and sent for artillery. In response to the Decembrists’ refusal to lay down their arms, grapeshot fire began. By 18:00 the uprising was suppressed, about 1,300 people died.

December 29, 1825. under the leadership of S. Muravyov-Apostol performed Chernigov Regiment, but already on January 3, 1826 the uprising was suppressed.

316 people were arrested in the Decembrist case. The defendants were divided into 11 categories depending on the degree of their guilt. 5 people were sentenced to death by quartering, replaced by hanging (P.I. Pestel, K.F. Ryleev, P.G. Kakhovsky, S.I. Muravyov-Apostol, M.P. Bestuzhev-Ryumin).

On July 13, 1826, the execution took place in the Peter and Paul Fortress. During the execution, the ropes of Ryleev, Kakhovsky, and Muravyov-Apostol broke, but they were hanged a second time.

Trubetskoy, Obolensky, N. Muravyov, Yakubovich, Yakushkin and others went to hard labor in Siberia. All those convicted in the courtyard of the Peter and Paul Fortress were put in a “punishment” and stripped of their ranks and noble titles (they had their swords broken, their shoulder straps and uniforms torn off and thrown into bonfire).

Only in 1856, in connection with the coronation of Alexander II, an amnesty was declared. A whole generation of young, educated active people found himself torn out of the life of the country. From the “depths of Siberian ores” Decembrist A.I. Odoevsky wrote to Pushkin:

“Our sorrowful work will not be lost,
A spark will ignite a flame..."

The forecast turned out to be accurate. Having dealt with the Decembrists, the government of Nicholas I was unable to kill the free thought and desire of the progressive part of society for change.

The origin of the noble stage of the liberation movement……………………………………………………….3

“Union of Salvation” and “Union of Prosperity”, their programs...4

Northern and Southern Society……………………………………………………6

Society of United Slavs……………………………….8

The place and role of the Decembrists in the history of Russia……………….15

THE ORIGIN OF THE NOBLERY STAGE OF THE LIBERATION MOVEMENT

The first secret organization of the Decembrists was Salvation Union(February 1816), renamed after the adoption of the statute (charter) in February 1817 as Society of True and Faithful Sons of the Fatherland. It was initiated by the young Colonel of the General Staff A.N. Muravyov. The organization consisted of no more than 30 people. It consisted of officers of the Guards regiments and the General Staff. Its design was influenced by Masonic ritual. The conspiratorial nature of the society's activities was clearly manifested in the Moscow conspiracy of 1817. A plan for regicide was adopted during the Moscow celebrations on the occasion of the fifth anniversary of the victory over Napoleon. The idea was not realized due to the lack of strength of the conspirators. At the same time, it was decided to liquidate the society and begin to create a broader organization.

In Moscow in January 1818 it was created Welfare Union(operated until 1821). It consisted of up to 200 members and had a detailed charter - the “Green Book”. Its participants initially decided to create advanced public opinion in Russia within 20 years, favorable to reform plans and a revolutionary revolution. The activities of the Decembrists before 1820 were truly educational in nature: they published literary almanacs, scientific works, redeemed talented self-educated people from serfdom, provided assistance to starving peasants, gave critical speeches in salons, and conducted direct anti-government propaganda in the army. The situation within the movement began to change radically in connection with events inside and outside the country in 1820-1821. The leaders of the organization, inclined toward “decisive action,” insist on changing tactics: instead of long-term activities, raise a military uprising without the participation of the masses in the name of preventing Pugachevism and anarchy in the country. Disagreements led to the self-dissolution of the Welfare Union. This was a maneuver in order to free ourselves from fellow travelers and remove government suspicion from the members of the union.

“UNION OF SALVATION” and UNION OF PROSPERITY”, their programs

« Salvation Union "(1816-1818)

In March 1816 guards officers ( Alexander Muravyov And Nikita Muravyov, captain Ivan Yakushkin, Matvey Muravyov-Apostol And Sergey Muravyov-Apostol, prince Sergei Trubetskoy) formed the first secret political society "Union of Salvation" (with 1817 "Society of true and faithful sons of the fatherland"). It also included the prince I. A. Dolgorukov, major M. S. Lunin, Colonel F. N. Glinka, adjutant graph Wittgenstein(Commander-in-Chief of the 2nd Army), Pavel Pestel and others.

The company's charter ("Statute") was drawn up by Pestel in 1817 . It expresses its goal: to strive with all one’s might for the common good, to support all good measures of the government and useful private enterprises, to prevent all evil and eradicate social vices, exposing the inertia and ignorance of the people, unfair trials, abuses of officials and dishonest actions of private individuals, covetousness and embezzlement, cruel treatment of soldiers, disrespect for human dignity and non-respect of individual rights, dominance of foreigners. The members of society themselves were obliged to behave and act in all respects in such a way as not to deserve the slightest reproach. The hidden goal of the society was the introduction of representative government in Russia.

Offer I. D. Yakushkina carry out regicide during the stay of the imperial court in Moscow caused in the fall 1817 disagreements among members of the organization. The majority rejected this idea. It was decided, having dissolved the society, to create on its basis a larger organization that could influence public opinion.

"Union of Welfare" (1818-1821)

In January 1818 The Union of Welfare was formed. The existence of this formally secret organization was quite widely known. There were about two hundred people in its ranks (men over 18 years old). The “Union of Welfare” was headed by the Root Council (30 founders) and the Duma (6 people). Subordinate to them were “business councils” and “side councils” in St. Petersburg, Moscow, Tulchin, Poltava, Tambov, Nizhny Novgorod, Chisinau; there were up to 15 of them.

The goal of the “Union of Welfare” was proclaimed to be the moral (Christian) education and enlightenment of the people, helping the government in good endeavors and mitigating the fate of the serfs. The hidden purpose was known only to members of the Root Council; it consisted in establishing constitutional government and eliminating serfdom. The Welfare Union sought to widely disseminate liberal and humanistic ideas. For this purpose, literary and literary-educational societies were used (“Green Lamp”, “ Free Society of Lovers of Russian Literature", "Free Society for the Establishment of Schools Using the Method of Mutual Education" and others), periodicals and other publications.

At a meeting in St. Petersburg in January 1820 When discussing the future form of government, all participants spoke in favor of establishing a republic. At the same time, the idea of regicide and the idea of a provisional government with dictatorial powers were rejected (proposed P. I. Pestel).

The company's charter, the so-called " Green Book"(more precisely, its first, legal part, provided by A.I. Chernyshev) was known to Emperor Alexander himself, who gave it to the Tsarevich to read Konstantin Pavlovich. At first, the sovereign did not recognize political significance in this society. But his view changed after the news of the revolutions 1820 V Spain, Naples, Portugal And riot of the Semenovsky regiment (1820 ).

Later in May 1821 , Emperor Alexander, after listening to the report of the commander of the guards corps, adjutant general Vasilchikova, told him: “Dear Vasilchikov! You, who have served me since the very beginning of my reign, you know that I shared and encouraged all these dreams and these delusions ( vous savez que j'ai partagé et encouragé ces illusions et ces erreurs), - and after a long silence he added: - it’s not for me to be strict ( ce n'est pas a moi à sévir)". Note from the Adjutant General A. H. Benckendorff, in which information about secret societies was presented as completely as possible and with the names of the main figures, also remained without consequences; after the death of Emperor Alexander, she was found in his office in Tsarskoe Selo. Only a few precautions were taken: 1821 an order was made to establish a military police under the Guards Corps; August 1 1822 followed by the highest order to close Masonic lodges and secret societies in general, under whatever names they exist. At the same time, a signature was taken from all employees, military and civilian, stating that they did not belong to secret societies.

In January 1821 V Moscow a congress of deputies from different departments of the Union of Welfare was convened (from St. Petersburg, from the 2nd Army, also several people who lived in Moscow). Due to escalating disagreements and measures taken by the authorities, it was decided to dissolve the society. In reality, it was intended to close the society temporarily in order to weed out both unreliable and too radical members, and then recreate it in a narrower composition.

Southern Society (1821-1825)

Based on the "Union of Welfare" in the spring 1821 2 large revolutionary organizations arose at once: the Southern Society in Kyiv and Northern Society in St. Petersburg. A more revolutionary and determined Southern society led P. I. Pestel, Northern, whose attitudes were considered more moderate - Nikita Muravyov.

The political program of Southern society became "Russian Truth" by Pestel, adopted at the congress in Kyiv V 1823.

Southern society recognized the army as the support of the movement, considering it the decisive force of the revolutionary coup. Members of the society intended to take power in the capital, forcing the emperor to abdicate. The Society's new tactics required organizational changes: only military personnel associated primarily with regular army units were accepted into it; discipline within the Society was tightened; All members were required to submit unconditionally to the leadership center - the Directory.

In March 1821 On the initiative of P.I. Pestel, the Tulchinskaya government “Union of Prosperity” restored a secret society called “Southern Society”. The structure of society repeated the structure of the Union of Salvation. Only officers were involved in the society and strict discipline was observed. It was supposed to establish a republican system through regicide and a “military revolution,” i.e., a military coup.

The Southern Society was headed by the Root Duma (chairman P.I. Pestel, guardian A.P. Yushnevsky). TO 1823 the company consisted of three councils - Tulchinskaya(under the leadership of P. I. Pestel and A. P. Yushnevsky), Vasilkovskaya(under the leadership S. I. Muravyov-Apostola And M. P. Bestuzheva-Ryumina) And Kamenskaya(under the leadership V. L. Davydova And S. G. Volkonsky).

In the 2nd Army, regardless of the activities of the Vasilkovsky government, another society arose - Slavic Union, better known as Society of United Slavs. It arose in 1823 Among army officers and numbering 52 members, it advocated a democratic federation of all Slavic peoples. Finalized at the beginning 1825, it's already summer 1825 joined the Southern Society as the Slavic Council (mainly through the efforts of M. Bestuzhev-Ryumin). Among the members of this society there were many enterprising people and opponents of the rule don't rush. Sergei Muravyov-Apostol called them “chained mad dogs.”

All that remained before the start of decisive action was to enter into relations with Polish secret societies. Negotiations with a representative of the Polish Patriotic Society(otherwise Patriotic Union) Prince Yablonovsky was led personally by Pestel. The purpose of the negotiations was to recognize independence Poland and transfer the provinces from Russia to her Lithuania, Podolia And Volyn. , as well as joining Poland Little Russia. .

Negotiations were also held with the Northern Society of Decembrists about joint actions. The unification agreement was hampered by the radicalism and dictatorial ambitions of the leader of the “southerners” Pestel, whom the “northerners” feared.

While Southern society was preparing for decisive action in 1826, his plans were revealed to the government. Even before Alexander I left for Taganrog, in summer 1825, Arakcheev received information about the conspiracy sent by a non-commissioned officer of the 3rd Bug Uhlan Regiment Sherwood(to whom Emperor Nicholas later gave the surname Sherwood-Verny). He was called to Gruzino and personally reported to Alexander I all the details of the conspiracy. After listening to him, the sovereign said to Count Arakcheev: “Let him go to the place and give him all the means to discover the intruders.” November 25 1825 Mayboroda, captain of the Vyatka infantry regiment, commanded by Colonel Pestel, reported in a most loyal letter various revelations regarding secret societies.

Northern Society (1822-1825)

The Northern Society was formed in St. Petersburg in 1822 of two Decembrist groups led by N. M. Muravyov And N. I. Turgenev. It was compiled by several councils in St. Petersburg (in guards regiments) and one in Moscow. The governing body was the Supreme Duma of three people(originally N. M. Muravyov, N. I. Turgenev and E. P. Obolensky, Later - S. P. Trubetskoy, K. F. Ryleev And A. A. Bestuzhev [Marlinsky]).

Northern society was more moderate in goals than the Southern one, but there was an influential radical wing (K. F. Ryleev, A. A. Bestuzhev, E. P. Obolensky, I. I. Pushchin) shared the provisions of P. I. Pestel’s “Russian Truth”.

Society of United Slavs

Society of United Slavs, a secret revolutionary organization created in early 1823 Novograd-Volynsk officers brothers A.I. and P.I. Borisov and the political exiled Polish gentry Yu. K. Lublinsky (arisen from the Society of the First Concord). The society included poor officers, minor officials and employees. The society's program documents (“Rules”, “Oath Promise”) contained the idea of a voluntary unification of the Slavic peoples and the demand for the struggle against serfdom and despotism. The ultimate goal of the society was the creation of a republic of the federation of the Slavic and neighboring peoples (Russia, Poland, Bohemia, Moravia, Serbia, Moldavia, Wallachia, Dalmatia, Croatia, Hungary, Transylvania), in which supreme power belongs to an assembly of representatives from all republics. Every nation had to have a constitution based on democratic principles, taking into account its national characteristics. Members of the society considered the immediate goal to be the elimination of autocracy and serfdom in Russia, the establishment of a republic and the restoration of the independence of Poland. By the fall of 1825, the society had about 50 members, among whom were Russians, Ukrainians, and Poles. The most active of them were, besides the Borisov brothers, I. I. Gorbachevsky, V. A. Bechasnov, Ya. M. Andreevich, M. M. Spiridonov, V. N. Solovyov, A. D. Kuzmin, M. A. Shchepillo et al. The lack of specific tasks in the program did not satisfy a significant part of the members Society of United Slavs In September 1825, at the suggestion of members Southern Society of Decembrists S.I. Muravyov-Apostol and M.P. Bestuzhev-Ryumin joined this society on the basis of its program. Many former members Society of United Slavs actively participated in the preparation of the armed uprising of the Decembrists and in the uprising of the Chernigov regiment (see. Chernigov regiment uprising ).

It is impossible to understand what happened on December 14, 1825 on Senate Square, if you don’t know what exactly was planned by the Decembrists, what plan they settled on, what exactly they hoped to accomplish.

Events overtook the Decembrists and forced them to act earlier than the dates that they had determined. Everything has changed dramatically late autumn 1825

In November 1825, Emperor Alexander I unexpectedly died far from St. Petersburg, in Taganrog. He did not have a son, and the heir to the throne was his brother Konstantin. But married to a simple noblewoman, a person not of royal blood, Constantine, according to the rules of succession to the throne, could not pass the throne to his descendants and therefore abdicated the throne. The heir of Alexander I was to be his next brother, Nicholas - rude and cruel, hated in the army. Constantine's abdication was kept secret - only the narrowest circle of members knew about it royal family. The abdication, which was not made public during the life of the emperor, did not receive the force of law, so Constantine continued to be considered the heir to the throne; he reigned after the death of Alexander I, and on November 27 the population was sworn to Constantine.

Formally, a new emperor has appeared in Russia - Constantine I. His portraits have already been displayed in stores, and several new coins with his image have even been minted. But Constantine did not accept the throne, and at the same time did not want to formally renounce it as an emperor, to whom the oath had already been taken. An ambiguous and extremely tense interregnum situation was created. Nicholas, fearing popular indignation and expecting a speech from the secret society, about which he was already informed by spies and informers, finally decided to declare himself emperor, without waiting for a formal act of abdication from his brother. A second oath was appointed, or, as they said in the troops, a “re-oath,” this time to Nicholas I. The re-oath in St. Petersburg was scheduled for December 14.

Even when creating their organization, the Decembrists decided to speak out at the time of the change of emperors on the throne. This moment has now arrived. At the same time, the Decembrists became aware that they had been betrayed - the denunciations of the traitors Sherwood and Mayboroda were already on the emperor’s table; a little more and a wave of arrests will begin.

Members of the secret society decided to speak out.

Before this, the following action plan was developed at Ryleev’s apartment. On December 14, the day of the re-oath, they will come to the square revolutionary troops under the command of members of a secret society. Guard Colonel Prince Sergei Trubetskoy was chosen as the dictator of the uprising. Troops who refuse to take the oath must go to Senate Square. Why exactly to Senate? Because this is where the Senate is located, and here the senators will swear allegiance to the new emperor on the morning of December 14th. By force of arms, if they do not mean well, it is necessary to prevent senators from taking the oath, force them to declare the government overthrown and publish a revolutionary Manifesto to the Russian people. This is one of the most important documents Decembrism, explaining the purpose of the uprising. The Senate, thus, by the will of the revolution, was included in the plan of action of the rebels.

The revolutionary Manifesto announced the “destruction of the former government” and the establishment of a Provisional Revolutionary Government. The abolition of serfdom and the equalization of all citizens before the law were announced; freedom of the press, religion, and occupations was declared, the introduction of public jury trials, and the introduction of universal military service. All government officials had to give way to elected officials.

It was decided that as soon as the rebel troops blocked the Senate, in which the senators were preparing to take the oath, a revolutionary delegation consisting of Ryleev and Pushchin would enter the Senate premises and present the Senate with a demand not to swear allegiance to the new Emperor Nicholas I, to declare the tsarist government deposed and to issue a revolutionary Manifesto to the Russian to the people. At the same time, the Guards naval crew, the Izmailovsky regiment and the cavalry pioneer squadron were supposed to move to Winter Palace, capture it and arrest the royal family.

Then the Great Council was convened - the Constituent Assembly. It had to make a final decision on the forms of abolition of serfdom, on the form of government in Russia, and resolve the issue of land. If the Great Council decided by a majority vote that Russia would be a republic, a decision would also be made on the fate of the royal family. Some Decembrists were of the opinion that it was possible to expel her abroad, while others were inclined towards regicide. If the Great Council came to a decision that Russia would be a constitutional monarchy, then a constitutional monarch would be drawn from the reigning family.

The command of the troops during the capture of the Winter Palace was entrusted to the Decembrist Yakubovich.

It was also decided to seize the Peter and Paul Fortress, the main military stronghold of tsarism in St. Petersburg, and turn it into a revolutionary citadel of the Decembrist uprising.

In addition, Ryleev asked the Decembrist Kakhovsky early in the morning of December 14 to penetrate the Winter Palace and, as if committing an independent terrorist act, kill Nicholas. At first he agreed, but then, having considered the situation, he did not want to be a lone terrorist, allegedly acting outside the plans of society, and early in the morning he refused this assignment.

An hour after Kakhovsky’s refusal, Yakubovich came to Alexander Bestuzhev and refused to lead the sailors and Izmailovites to the Winter Palace. He was afraid that in the battle the sailors would kill Nicholas and his relatives and instead of arresting the royal family, it would result in regicide. Yakubovich did not want to take on this and chose to refuse. Thus, the adopted plan of action was sharply violated, and the situation became more complicated. The plan began to fall apart before dawn. But there was no time to delay: dawn was coming.

On December 14, officers - members of the secret society were still in the barracks after dark and campaigned among the soldiers. Alexander Bestuzhev spoke to the soldiers of the Moscow Regiment. The soldiers refused to swear allegiance to the new king and decided to go to Senate Square. The regimental commander of the Moscow regiment, Baron Fredericks, wanted to prevent the rebel soldiers from leaving the barracks - and fell with a severed head under the blow of the saber of officer Shchepin-Rostovsky. With the regimental banner flying, taking live ammunition and loading their guns, the soldiers of the Moscow Regiment (about 800 people) were the first to come to Senate Square. At the head of these first revolutionary troops in the history of Russia was the staff captain of the Life Guards Dragoon Regiment, Alexander Bestuzhev. Along with him at the head of the regiment were his brother, staff captain of the Life Guards of the Moscow Regiment, Mikhail Bestuzhev, and staff captain of the same regiment, Dmitry Shchepin-Rostovsky.

The regiment formed in order of battle in the shape of a square (battle quadrangle) near the monument to Peter I. It was 11 o’clock in the morning. St. Petersburg Governor-General Miloradovich galloped up to the rebels and began to persuade the soldiers to disperse. The moment was very dangerous: the regiment was still alone, other regiments had not yet arrived, the hero of 1812 Miloradovich was widely popular and knew how to talk to the soldiers. The uprising that had just begun was in great danger. Miloradovich could greatly sway the soldiers and achieve success. It was necessary to interrupt his campaigning at all costs and remove him from the square. But, despite the demands of the Decembrists, Miloradovich did not leave and continued persuasion. Then the chief of staff of the rebels, Decembrist Obolensky, turned his horse with a bayonet, wounding the count in the thigh, and a bullet, fired at the same moment by Kakhovsky, mortally wounded the general. The danger looming over the uprising was repelled.

The delegation chosen to address the Senate - Ryleev and Pushchin - went to see Trubetskoy early in the morning, who had previously visited Ryleev himself. It turned out that the Senate had already sworn in and the senators had left. It turned out that the rebel troops had gathered in front of the empty Senate. Thus, the first goal of the uprising was not achieved. It was a bad failure. Another planned link broke away from the plan. Now the Winter Palace and the Peter and Paul Fortress were to be captured.

What exactly Ryleev and Pushchin talked about during this last meeting with Trubetskoy is unknown, but, obviously, they agreed on some new plan of action, and, then coming to the square, they were sure that Trubetskoy would now come there, to the square, and will take command. Everyone was waiting impatiently for Trubetskoy.

But there was still no dictator. Trubetskoy betrayed the uprising. A situation was developing in the square that required decisive action, but Trubetskoy did not dare to take it. He sat, tormented, in the office of the General Staff, went out, looked around the corner to see how many troops had gathered in the square, and hid again. Ryleev looked for him everywhere, but could not find him. Members of the secret society, who elected Trubetskoy as dictator and trusted him, could not understand the reasons for his absence and thought that he was being delayed by some reasons important for the uprising. Trubetskoy’s fragile noble revolutionary spirit easily broke when the hour of decisive action came.

The failure of the elected dictator to appear on the square to meet the troops during the hours of the uprising is an unprecedented case in the history of the revolutionary movement. The dictator thereby betrayed the idea of uprising, his comrades in the secret society, and the troops who followed them. This failure to appear played a significant role in the defeat of the uprising.

The rebels waited for a long time. Several attacks undertaken by order of Nicolas by the horse guards on the square of the rebels were repulsed by rapid rifle fire. The barrage chain, separated from the square of the rebels, disarmed the royal police. The “rabble” who were in the square were doing the same thing.

Behind the fence of St. Isaac's Cathedral, which was under construction, were the dwellings of construction workers, for whom a lot of firewood was prepared for the winter. The village was popularly called “Isaac’s village,” and from there many stones and logs flew at the king and his retinue.

We see that the troops were not the only living force in the uprising on December 14: on Senate Square that day there was another participant in the events - huge crowds of people.

The words of Herzen are well known: “The Decembrists on Senate Square did not have enough people.” These words must be understood not in the sense that there were no people in the square at all - there were people, but in the fact that the Decembrists were unable to rely on the people, to make them an active force of the uprising.

A contemporary’s impression of how “empty” it was at that moment in other parts of St. Petersburg is curious: “The further I moved away from the Admiralty, the fewer people I met; it seemed that everyone had come running to the square, leaving their houses empty.” An eyewitness, whose last name remained unknown, said: “All of St. Petersburg flocked to the square, and the first Admiralty part accommodated 150 thousand people, acquaintances and strangers, friends and enemies, forgot their identities and gathered in circles, talking about the subject that struck their eyes "

The “common people”, “black bones” predominated - artisans, workers, artisans, peasants who came to the bars in the capital, there were merchants, petty officials, students of secondary schools, cadet corps, apprentices... Two “rings” of people were formed. The first consisted of those who had arrived early, it was surrounded by a square of rebels. The second was formed from those who came later - the gendarmes were no longer allowed into the square to join the rebels, and the “late” people crowded behind the tsarist troops who surrounded the rebellious square. From these “later” arrivals a second ring was formed, surrounding the government troops. Noticing this, Nikolai, as can be seen from his diary, realized the danger of this environment. It threatened with great complications.

The main mood of this huge mass, which, according to contemporaries, numbered in tens of thousands of people, was sympathy for the rebels. Nikolai doubted his success, “seeing that the matter was becoming very important, and not yet foreseeing how it would end.” He ordered the preparation of carriages for members of the royal family with the intention of “escorting” them under the cover of cavalry guards to Tsarskoe Selo. Nicholas considered the Winter Palace an unreliable place and foresaw the possibility of a strong expansion of the uprising in the capital. He wrote in his diary that “our fate would be more than doubtful.” And later Nikolai told his brother Mikhail many times: “The most amazing thing in this story is that you and I weren’t shot then.”

Under these conditions, Nicholas resorted to sending Metropolitan Seraphim and Kyiv Metropolitan Eugene to negotiate with the rebels. The idea of sending metropolitans to negotiate with the rebels came to Nicholas’s mind as a way to explain the legality of the oath to him, and not to Constantine, through clergy who were authoritative in matters of the oath. It seemed that who better to know about the correctness of the oath than the metropolitans? Nikolai’s decision to grasp at this straw was strengthened by alarming news: he was informed that life grenadiers and a guards naval crew were leaving the barracks to join the “rebels.” If the metropolitans had managed to persuade the rebels to disperse, then the new regiments that came to the aid of the rebels would have found the main core of the uprising broken and could have fizzled out themselves.

But in response to the Metropolitan’s speech about the legality of the required oath and the horrors of shedding brotherly blood, the “rebellious” soldiers began shouting to him from the ranks, according to the testimony of Deacon Prokhor Ivanov: “What kind of metropolitan are you, when in two weeks you swore allegiance to two emperors... We don’t believe you, go away!..”

Suddenly, the metropolitans rushed to the left, hid in a hole in the fence of St. Isaac's Cathedral, hired ordinary cabs (while on the right, closer to the Neva, a palace carriage was waiting for them) and returned to the Winter Palace by a detour. Why did this sudden flight of the clergy happen? Two new regiments approached the rebels. On the right, along the ice of the Neva, a regiment of life grenadiers (about 1,250 people) rose, fighting their way with weapons in their hands through the troops of the tsar’s encirclement. On the other side, rows of sailors entered the square - almost in full force Guards naval crew - over 1100 people, a total of at least 2350 people, i.e. forces arrived in total more than three times compared to the initial mass of the rebel Muscovites (about 800 people), and in general the number of rebels quadrupled. All the rebel troops had weapons and live ammunition. All were infantrymen. They had no artillery.

But the moment was lost. The gathering of all the rebel troops took place more than two hours after the start of the uprising. An hour before the end of the uprising, the Decembrists elected a new “dictator” - Prince Obolensky, chief of staff of the uprising. He tried three times to convene a military council, but it was too late: Nicholas managed to take the initiative into his own hands. The encirclement of the rebels by government troops, more than four times larger than the rebels in number, had already been completed. According to G.S. Gabaev’s calculations, against the 3 thousand rebel soldiers, 9 thousand infantry bayonets, 3 thousand cavalry sabers were assembled, in total, not counting the artillerymen called up later (36 guns), at least 12 thousand people. Because of the city, another 7 thousand infantry bayonets and 22 cavalry squadrons were called up and stopped at outposts as a reserve, i.e. 3 thousand sabers; in other words, there were another 10 thousand people in reserve at the outposts.

The short winter day was approaching evening. It was already 3 pm and it was getting noticeably dark. Nikolai was afraid of darkness. In the dark, the people gathered in the square would have been more active. Most of all, Nikolai was afraid, as he later wrote in his diary, that “the excitement would not be communicated to the mob.”

Nikolai ordered to shoot with grapeshot.

The first volley of grapeshot was fired above the ranks of soldiers - precisely at the “mob” that dotted the roof of the Senate and neighboring houses. The rebels responded to the first volley of grapeshot with rifle fire, but then, under a hail of grapeshot, the ranks wavered and wavered - they began to flee, the wounded and dead fell. The Tsar's cannons fired at the crowd running along the Promenade des Anglais and Galernaya. Crowds of rebel soldiers rushed onto the Neva ice to move to Vasilyevsky Island. Mikhail Bestuzhev tried to again form soldiers into battle formation on the ice of the Neva and go on the offensive. The troops lined up. But the cannonballs hit the ice - the ice split, many drowned. Bestuzhev's attempt failed.

By nightfall it was all over. The tsar and his minions did their best to downplay the number of those killed - they talked about 80 corpses, sometimes about a hundred or two. But the number of victims was much more significant - buckshot at close range mowed down people. According to a document from an official of the statistical department of the Ministry of Justice S.N. Korsakov, we learn that on December 14, 1271 people were killed, of which 903 were “mobs”, 19 were minors.

At this time, the Decembrists gathered at Ryleev’s apartment. This was their last meeting. They only agreed on how to behave during interrogations. The despair of the participants knew no bounds: the death of the uprising was obvious.

In summary, it should be noted that the Decembrists not only conceived, but also organized the first in the history of Russia uprising against the autocracy with arms in hand. They performed it openly, on the square of the Russian capital, in front of the assembled people. They acted in the name of crushing the outdated feudal system and moving their homeland forward along the path of social development. The ideas in the name of which they rebelled - the overthrow of the autocracy and the liquidation of serfdom and its remnants - turned out to be vital and for many years they gathered subsequent generations under the banner of the revolutionary struggle.

The place and role of the Decembrists in the history of Russia

In 1825, Russia saw for the first time a revolutionary movement against tsarism, and this movement was represented almost exclusively by the nobles.

The Decembrists not only put forward slogans of struggle against autocracy and serfdom, but for the first time in the history of the revolutionary movement in Russia they organized an open demonstration in the name of these demands,
Thus, the Decembrist uprising had great value in the history of the revolutionary movement in Russia. This was the first open attack against the autocracy with arms in hand. Until this time, only spontaneous peasant unrest had occurred in Russia.

Between the spontaneous peasant uprisings of Razin and Pugachev and the speech of the Decembrists lay a whole period of world history: its new stage was opened by the victory of the revolution in France at the end of the 18th century, the question of eliminating the feudal-absolutist system and establishing a new one - capitalist - arose in full force before Europe. The Decembrists belong to this new time, and this is their essential side historical significance. Their uprising was politically conscious, set itself the task of eliminating the feudal-absolutist system, and was illuminated by the progressive ideas of the era. For the first time in the history of Russia we can talk about a revolutionary program, about conscious revolutionary tactics, and analyze constitutional projects.

The slogans of the struggle against serfdom and autocracy put forward by the Decembrists were not slogans of accidental and transitory significance: they had great historical meaning and remained effective and relevant in the revolutionary movement for many years.
With their bitter experience, the Decembrists showed subsequent generations that the protest of an insignificant handful of revolutionaries is powerless without the support of the people. With the failure of their movement, with all their, in Pushkin’s words, “sorrowful labor,” the Decembrists seemed to bequeath to subsequent revolutionaries to build their plans counting on the active participation of the masses. The theme of the people as the main force of the revolutionary struggle has since firmly entered the consciousness of the leaders of the revolutionary movement. “The Decembrists did not have enough people on St. Isaac’s Square,” said the successor of the Decembrists, Herzen, “and this thought was already the result of assimilating the experience of the Decembrists.

This is the point of view of the Soviet historical school.

At the same time, there are other approaches and assessments.

Shallow assimilation of the revolutionary teachings of the West and an attempt to apply them in Russia, according to Solovyov, constituted the main content of the Decembrist movement. Thus, the entire revolutionary tradition ends
18th and first quarter of the 19th century was presented as an introduced phenomenon, alien organic development Russia. Eliminating its revolutionary core from social thought, Solovyov tried to present history as a struggle between two principles - Russophile-patriotic and Western-cosmopolitan.

Soloviev did not leave any special works dedicated to the Decembrists. But a number of statements quite clearly characterize his views. The Decembrist ideology seemed to him an echo of revolutionary ferment in the West, on the one hand, and a reaction to the miscalculations of government policy, on the other (the anti-national Peace of Tilsit, indifference to the fate of the rebel Greeks, the costs of Alexander's system of unions). However, pointing to the objective historical roots of the Decembrist uprising, Solovyov was far from justifying it. The very ideals and goals of the movement seemed to him a stillborn fruit of desk studies. “To thinking Russian people,” he wrote in “Notes,” “Russia seemed to be a tabula rasa* on which one could write anything one wanted, write something thought out or even not yet thought through in the office, in a circle, after lunch or dinner.” He accused Decembrism of being prone to dangerous political adventurism. This assessment was attached to P. I. Pestel’s promise to restore independent Poland within the borders of 1772, given in negotiations with the Poles. He even admitted that such a recklessly broad gesture could puzzle sober and prudent politicians. Poles. The immaturity of Decembrist thought, according to him, was expressed in the fact that “Bestuzhev, for example, proposed the introduction of an American form of government in Russia and Poland.”

But at the same time, his convictions were also disgusted by the official defamation of the Decembrist movement during the years of the Nikolaev reaction. In the distortion of the lessons of the Decembrist speech, Solovyov saw another confirmation of the isolation of the ruling layer from the people. The most annoying thing was that this vice in all its unsightly essence manifested itself precisely when, according to his ideas, special sensitivity to public opinion was required from the government. Civil society, which matured in the 19th century, demanded that state power more flexible and delicate handling. Soloviev was not alone in this conviction. Other historians of the bourgeois-liberal trend talked about the same thing, seeking favor from the government towards new amateur social formations (represented by the so-called “private unions” in the concept of Solovyov and V. O. Klyuchevsky, the classless intelligentsia - in the concept of A. A. Kornilov, “thinking society” - A. A. Kieswetter). Working with the grand dukes, Sergei Mikhailovich tried to get them to confirm the rule: “It is necessary to support collegial institutions, elective principles, not to constrain, but at the same time vigilantly ensure that fragile unions do not allow themselves sloppiness and abuse.”
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The first major secret society was Salvation Union(1816-1818), which, after the approval of its charter, adopted the name of the Society of True and Faithful Sons of the Fatherland. Its founder was a young colonel General Staff A. N. Muravyov, and members - S. P. Trubetskoy, S. I. and M. I. Muravyov - Apostles, N. N. Muravyov, M. S. Lunin, I. I. Pushchin, I. D. Yakushkin and others. The society received its final structure in February 1817, when the energetic P.I. Pestel joined it; with his participation, the Status (charter) of the company was adopted. From that time on, it began to be called the Society of True and Faithful Sons of the Fatherland. It was still a small, closed, conspiratorial organization. Even a year after its founding, it had 10-12 members, and only at the end of its activities did it reach 30 people. The internal functioning of the organization was influenced by the Masonic ritual: members of the society were divided into three degrees, upon entry into it each took a solemn oath on the cross and the Gospel.

In this organization, although the main goals were defined - the introduction of a constitution, the limitation of autocracy and the abolition of serfdom, the means of struggle were not developed, and there was no program of political reforms. There were debates about ways to achieve these goals. Members of the secret society saw their main task in supporting the government's reform efforts.

In August 1817 on the occasion of bookmarking Sparrow Hills Church in honor of the fifth anniversary of the victory in the Patriotic War of 1812. The royal court moved from St. Petersburg to Moscow for a year. He was accompanied by a guard consisting of two free regiments. Among the officers of these regiments were almost all members of the first secret society of the Decembrists. In Moscow, the guard was stationed in the Khamovniki barracks, located near the Devichye Pole. One of the founders of the secret society, Alexander Muravyov, being the chief quartermaster of the consolidated guards detachment, received an apartment in the barracks. It became a meeting place for the Decembrists, at one of which the so-called Moscow conspiracy-plan to assassinate the Tsar arose. Decembrist Yakushin was the first to propose his candidacy for regicide and did not want to concede “this honor” to anyone, although during the discussion it became clear that everyone present was ready to carry out this operation. But what did this act of violent removal of the reigning monarch achieve? Where is the guarantee that the new emperor, having taken the throne, will agree to the adoption of a constitution and the liberation of peasants from serfdom? There was no such guarantee. Therefore, the idea of regicide had to be rejected. The Decembrists, not satisfied with themselves, liquidated the organization and, looking for more the right program and tactics, the foundations of a new secret society - the Union of Welfare.

Document

From the Notes of Prince S. P. Trubetskoy on the Union of Salvation

Some young people, who were for the fatherland and their king in the field of honor, wanted to be a faithful squad of their leader in the field of peace. They promised each other in word and deed to assist their sovereign in all his plans for the good of their people. There were few of them, but they were sure that their circle would increase daily...

Those entering this small society were required to: first, strictly fulfill their service duties; second, honest, noble and impeccable behavior in privacy; third, reinforcement by word of all measures and proposals of the sovereign for the common good; fourth, the disclosure of laudable deeds and the condemnation of abuses by persons in their positions...

Masonic forms, introduced in meetings and in the admission of members, complicated the action of the society and introduced some kind of mystery, which was contrary to the character of most of the members.

In January 1818, on the basis of the Union of Salvation, a new Decembrist organization appeared in Moscow - Union of Prosperity, already broader in composition (it had about 200 members), which had its own charter (Green Book) and program of action aimed at disseminating the idea of socio-political reorganization of Russia among various public circles.

It was also planned to publish the magazine “Russian of the 19th Century.” According to the new charter of the society, in addition to nobles, merchants, townspeople, clergy and free peasants were to be accepted into it. According to the idea, public opinion can be prepared within 20 years and approximately around 1840. there must be a revolution. Over the three years of its existence, the Union took shape organizationally. Its councils (separate) were in several cities of Russia - Poltava, Tambov, Chisinau and in the Nizhny Novgorod Province. In Moscow and Tulchin there were main councils that established several subsidiary councils. Root government (leadership center) located in St. Petersburg.

The St. Petersburg Green Lamp society was ideologically connected with the Union of Welfare. In addition to literature, it discussed political problems. The society gathered at Nikita Vsevolozhsky’s apartment, in a room lit by a green lamp (hence its name).

In the 10th chapter of “Eugene Onegin” A.S. Pushkin recalled this time:

They are famous for their sharp orbit,

The whole family gathered

At the careful Ilya.

Friend of Mars, Bacchus and Venus,

Here Lunin boldly proposed

Its decisive measures

And he muttered with inspiration.

Pushkin read his Poems,

Melancholy Yakushkin,

It seemed to silently expose

Regicidal dagger.

Seeing only Russia in the world,

I foresaw nobles in this crowd

Liberators of the peasants.

In order to form public opinion favorable to their plans, which the Decembrists considered the most important driving force future transformations, members of the Union actively participated in various legal societies (Free Society of Lovers of Russian Literature, Society for the Establishment of Mutual Training Schools, etc.), and were engaged in educational and charitable activities.

The Decembrists worked in the Free Society to establish schools using the method of mutual education, creating the so-called Lancastrian schools. The Lacasterian school method was a way of mass dissemination of education. The chairman of the Free Society was member S.B. Count Fyodor Tolstoy (cousin of L.I. Tolstoy), his deputy is Fyodor Glinka, his secretary is William Kuchelbecker. The society operated primarily among the poor Maud. Union concerns b. About 1,000 children were trained in St. Petersburg, and 1.5 thousand in the south of the country.

Still considering it necessary to fight against serfdom and autocracy, the members of the Union more clearly defined the ways to achieve this goal. They considered themselves obligated to help the government in reforming society and attached paramount importance to issues of education and upbringing of the population in order to spread liberal ideas. For this it was supposed to create educational societies, publish books, magazines, create schools, etc.

From the moment the secret societies were founded, two trends emerged among the Decembrists: some of their participants advocated a peaceful, reformist path to transform Russia, while the other part preached the need for decisive measures in the struggle for the implementation of their ideas and plans. There were heated discussions within the Welfare Union on issues of program and tactics.

Some members of the Union wrote to the Tsar about the need to abolish serfdom. We have received information about such notes by the Decembrists Nikita Turgenev, Alexander Muravyov and others. The Tsar ordered Muravyov to tell him that he was “a fool, interfering in something that’s not his own business.”

The year 1821 was an important milestone in the Decembrist movement. In January 1820, a meeting of the Root Council of the Union of Welfare convened in St. Petersburg, the majority of the participants spoke in favor of introducing a republican form of government in Russia. However, even after this meeting, many Decembrists spoke not for a republic, but for a constitutional monarchy. The growth of radical sentiments among the Decembrists was facilitated by the soldier unrest of 1820 in the Semenovsky Life Guards Regiment, which, according to a number of Decembrists, testified to the army’s readiness to march, as well as the events of 1820 in Spain, where the army was the main force of the revolutionary coup.

Disagreements within the Welfare Union brought it to the brink of crisis. At the Moscow Congress of Representatives of the Union Government in January 1821, when it became clear that the government of Alexander I had abandoned reforms, a decision was made to formally dissolve it and create a new, more secretive organization. However, the Tulchin government of the Union of Welfare, headed by P. I. Pestel, did not recognize the decision of the congress on self-dissolution and decided to continue the society. In March 1821, the Southern Society took shape. In March 1821, the foundation was laid for the creation of the Northern Society by N.I. Muravyov and N.I. Turgenev, which finally took shape at the end of 1822. Both societies attracted new members, developed and discussed draft program documents.

This organization united officers of the 2nd Army stationed in Ukraine. The head of the Southern Administration was P.I. Pestel.