On February 23, 1917, a revolution began in Petrograd. Nicholas II, who was at Headquarters in Mogilev, gave an order to General N.I. on the evening of February 27. Ivanov with reliable units (battalions of St. George's cavaliers from the General Headquarters guards) to move in echelons to Petrograd to restore order. Several regiments of infantry and cavalry from the Western and Northern fronts were to be allocated to help him. The Tsar himself headed to Petrograd, but not directly: through the Dno and Bologoe stations. The royal trains moved to Nikolaevskaya (now Oktyabrskaya) railway, but 200 km from the capital they were stopped by rebel railway workers. Returning back, the letter trains of the tsar and his retinue proceeded to Pskov - to the headquarters of the Northern Front. Meanwhile, Ivanov’s detachment was also not allowed to reach the rebel Petrograd. Chief of Staff of the Headquarters General M.V. Alekseev and the front commanders did not send regiments to help him. Meanwhile, Alekseev sent telegrams to all front and fleet commanders inviting them to speak out for or against the Tsar’s abdication of the throne in favor of the heir to the regency of Grand Duke Mikhail Alexandrovich. Almost all of them, except one, supported the abdication. Arriving in Pskov, the tsar learned that the army had turned its back on him.

On the night of March 2, members of the State Duma, Octobrist leader A.I., arrived in Pskov. Guchkov and nationalists - V.V. Shulgin with the project of renunciation. But the king refused to sign it, saying that he could not part with his sick son. The Tsar himself wrote the text of the renunciation, in which he, in violation of the Decree of Paul I on succession to the throne, renounced both for himself and for his son in favor of his brother Mikhail.

Whether this was a cunning tactical move, which subsequently gave the right to declare the abdication invalid, or not is unknown. The Emperor did not title his statement in any way and did not address his subjects, as was customary in the most important cases, or the Senate, which by law published the royal orders, but casually addressed it: “To the Chief of Staff.” Some historians believe that this indicated a lack of understanding of the importance of the moment: “Passed great empire, like commanding a squadron." It seems, however, that this is not so at all: with this appeal former king made it clear who he considered to be the culprit of the abdication.

Shulgin, so as not to create the impression that the abdication was wrenched out by force, asked the already former tsar to date the documents at 3 o’clock in the afternoon. Those signed after the abdication were dated two hours earlier, i.e. illegal, decrees appointing Grand Duke Nikolai Nikolaevich as Supreme Commander again, and the head of Zemgora, Prince G.E., as Chairman of the Council of Ministers. Lvov. Through these documents, the Duma delegates hoped to create the appearance of continuity of military and civil power. The next morning, March 3, after negotiations with members of the Provisional Committee of the State Duma, Grand Duke Mikhail made a statement saying that he could take power only by the will of the people, expressed by the Constituent Assembly, elected on the basis of universal, equal, direct and secret suffrage , in the meantime, he called on all citizens of the Russian state to submit to the Provisional Government. According to Shulgin’s memoirs, Rodzianko was the last person the Grand Duke consulted before signing the act of refusal to accept the throne.

Kerensky warmly shook the hands of the would-be emperor, declaring that he would tell everyone what a noble man he was. After reading the text of the act, the former tsar wrote in his diary: “And who suggested such nasty things to Misha?”

The 300-year-old Romanov monarchy (from the second half of the 18th century - Holstein-Gottorp-Romanov) fell almost without resistance. In a few days, Russia became the freest country in the world. The people were armed and aware of their strength.

“IN THE NAME OF THE GOOD, PEACE AND SALVATION OF EARLY BELOVED RUSSIA”

“During an early lunch at the house of the Commander-in-Chief, General Ruzsky turned to me and General Savich, the Chief Supply Officer of the front armies, with a request to be with him at the afternoon report to the Sovereign Emperor.

Your opinions, as my closest collaborators, will be very valuable as reinforcement for my arguments. - The Emperor is already aware that I will come to him with you...

There was no need to object, and at about 2 1/2 o’clock in the afternoon the three of us were already entering the carriage to see the Emperor. ….

We were all very worried. - The Emperor turned to me first.

Your Imperial Majesty, I said. - I am well aware of the strength of your love for the Motherland. And I am sure that for her sake, for the sake of saving the dynasty and the possibility of bringing the war to a happy end, you will make the sacrifice that the situation requires of you. I see no other way out of the situation other than that outlined by the Chairman of the State Duma and supported by the senior commanders of the Active Army!..

“What is your opinion?” the Emperor turned to my neighbor General Savich, who apparently had difficulty restraining the outburst of excitement that was choking him.

I, I... am a straightforward person... about whom you, Your Majesty, probably heard from General Dedyulin (Former Palace Commandant, personal friend of General S.S. Savich), who enjoyed your exceptional confidence... I am completely I at least agree with what General Danilov reported to Your Majesty...

There was deathly silence... The Emperor walked up to the table and several times, apparently without realizing it, looked out the carriage window, covered with a curtain. - His face, usually inactive, involuntarily distorted with some sideways movement of his lips that I had never observed before. “It was clear that some kind of decision was brewing in his soul, something that would cost him dearly!...

The silence that followed was unbroken. - The doors and windows were tightly closed. - I wish... this terrible silence would soon end!... With a sharp movement, Emperor Nicholas suddenly turned to us and said in a firm voice:

I made up my mind... I decided to renounce the Throne in favor of my son Alexei... At the same time, he crossed himself with a wide cross. - We crossed ourselves too...

Thank you all for your valiant and faithful service. - I hope that it will continue with my son.

The minute was deeply solemn. Having hugged General Ruzsky and warmly shook our hands, the Emperor walked into his carriage with slow, lingering steps.

We, who were present at this entire scene, involuntarily bowed before the restraint that was shown by the newly abdicated Emperor Nicholas in these difficult and responsible moments...

As often happens after a long period of tension, my nerves suddenly gave way... I remember, as if in a fog, that, after the Emperor had left, someone came into our room and started talking about something. Apparently, these were the persons closest to the Tsar... Everyone was ready to talk about anything, just not about what was most important and most important at the moment... However, the decrepit Count Fredericks, it seems, was trying to formulate his personal feelings!.. Someone else was talking... and someone else... they almost didn’t listen...

Suddenly the Emperor himself entered. - He held in his hands two telegraph forms, which he handed over to General Ruzsky, with a request to send them. These sheets of paper were handed over to me by the Commander-in-Chief for execution.

- “There is no sacrifice that I would not make in the name of the real good and for the salvation of my dear Mother Russia. - Therefore, I am ready to abdicate the Throne in favor of My Son, so that he remains with me until he comes of age, during the regency of my brother - Mikhail Alexandrovich." With these words addressed to the Chairman of the State Court. The Duma, Emperor Nicholas II expressed his decision. - “In the name of the good, tranquility and salvation of beloved Russia, I am ready to abdicate the Throne in favor of my Son. - I ask everyone to serve him faithfully and unhypocritically,” he informed his Chief of Staff about the same in a telegram to Headquarters. What beautiful impulses, I thought, are inherent in the soul of this man, whose whole grief and misfortune is that he was poorly surrounded!

FROM THE DIARY OF EMPEROR NICHOLAS II

“March 2nd. Thursday. In the morning Ruzsky came and read his long conversation on the phone with Rodzianko. According to him, the situation in Petrograd is such that now the ministry from the Duma is seemingly powerless to do anything, because the Social Democrats are fighting it. the party represented by the working committee. My renunciation is needed. Ruzsky conveyed this conversation to Headquarters, and Alekseev to all commanders-in-chief. By 2 1/2 [hours] replies came from everyone. The point is that in the name of saving Russia and keeping the army at the front calm, you need to decide to take this step. I agreed. A draft manifesto was sent from Headquarters. In the evening, Guchkov and Shulgin arrived from Petrograd, with whom I spoke and gave them the signed and revised manifesto. At one o'clock in the morning I left Pskov with a heavy feeling of what I had experienced. There is treason and cowardice and deceit all around.”

MANIFESTO OF RENUNCIATION

Chief of Staff

During the days of the great struggle with an external enemy, who had been striving to enslave our Motherland for almost three years, the Lord God was pleased to send Russia a new ordeal. The outbreak of internal popular unrest threatens to have a disastrous effect on the further conduct of the stubborn war. The fate of Russia, the honor of our heroic army, the good of the people, the entire future of our dear Fatherland demand that the war be brought to a victorious end at all costs. The cruel enemy is straining his last strength, and the hour is already approaching when our valiant army, together with our glorious allies, will be able to finally break the enemy. In these decisive days in the life of Russia, we considered it a duty of conscience to facilitate close unity and rallying of all the people’s forces for our people to achieve victory as quickly as possible and in accordance with State Duma We recognized it as good to renounce the throne of the Russian state and relinquish supreme power. Not wanting to part with our beloved son, we pass on our legacy to our brother, Grand Duke Mikhail Alexandrovich, and bless him to ascend the throne of the Russian state. We command our brother to rule over state affairs in complete and inviolable unity with the representatives of the people in legislative institutions on those principles that will be established by them, taking an inviolable oath to that effect. In the name of our beloved Motherland, we call on all the faithful sons of the Fatherland to fulfill their sacred duty to him by obeying the Tsar in difficult times of national trials and to help him, together with the representatives of the people, lead the Russian state onto the path of victory, prosperity and glory.

May the Lord God help Russia.

Signed: Nikolay

Minister of the Imperial Household, Adjutant General Count Fredericks.

FROM THE MEMORIES OF GRAND DUKE ALEXANDER MIKHAILOVICH

“My adjutant woke me up at dawn. He handed me a printed sheet. This was the Tsar's manifesto of abdication. Nikki refused to part with Alexei and abdicated in favor of Mikhail Alexandrovich. I sat in bed and re-read this document. Nicky must have lost his mind. Since when can the All-Russian Autocrat renounce the power given to him by God because of a rebellion in the capital caused by a lack of bread? Treason of the Petrograd garrison? But he had an army of fifteen million at his disposal. - All this, including his trip to Petrograd, seemed completely incredible back then in 1917. And it continues to seem incredible to me to this day.

I had to get dressed to go to Maria Feodorovna and break her heart with the news of her son’s abdication. We ordered a train to Headquarters, since in the meantime we had received news that Nikki had been given “permission” to return to Headquarters to say goodbye to his headquarters.

Upon arrival in Mogilev, our train was placed on the “imperial route”, from where the Emperor usually departed for the capital. A minute later Nikki's car pulled up to the station. He slowly walked to the platform, greeted the two Cossacks of the convoy standing at the entrance to his mother's carriage, and entered. He was pale, but nothing else in his appearance suggested that he was the author of this terrible manifesto. The Emperor was left alone with his mother for two hours. The Empress Dowager never told me what they talked about.

When I was called to them, Maria Fedorovna was sitting and crying bitterly, while he stood motionless, looking at his feet and, of course, smoking. We hugged. I didn't know what to tell him. His calmness indicated that he firmly believed in the correctness of the decision he had made, although he reproached his brother Mikhail Alexandrovich for leaving Russia without an Emperor by his abdication.

Misha, he shouldn’t have done this,” he finished admonishingly. “I’m surprised who gave him such strange advice.”

“Fate has never been as cruel to any country as to Russia. Her ship sank while the harbor was in sight. ...In March the Tsar was on the throne; The Russian Empire and the Russian army held out, the front was secured and victory was indisputable.”Winston Churchill

RUSSIAN HISTORY

March 15 is the day of abdication of Sovereign Emperor Nicholas II from the throne. The events of this day in 1917 are strange and mysterious, the testimonies of the participants are contradictory. Some researchers even question the very fact of the Emperor’s abdication. But no matter how history is interpreted, an unbiased researcher soon becomes aware that those closest to him betrayed their king, and, in fact, became accomplices in the largest crime in the history of Russia, which put an end to the Russian monarchy.

The enemies of Russia are trying to cover up the extreme meanness and complete immorality of this betrayal with an impenetrable fog of slander against the tsarist government, royal family and for the entire structure of Russian life of that time. But the most slandered in this story is Sovereign Emperor Nicholas II.

Historian Pyotr Multatuli, speaking at a conference dedicated to the 90th anniversary of the Yekaterinburg tragedy, said: “For decades, the name of Emperor Nicholas II was surrounded by slander, lies, misunderstanding, condemnation and mockery. Perhaps not in Russian history statesman, so hated by the slanderers of Russia, like the last Russian Tsar. Moreover, we are not talking about different scientific assessments of the reign of Nicholas II, which, of course, can be different, but about conscious slander and deliberate mockery. For many decades, a false image of Nicholas II was created... The truth about Nicholas II was too terrible and dangerous for the usurpers who reigned in Russia in 1917. The true image of the Tsar, whom they called “weak” and “bloody,” was too terrible and dangerous for them, but the memory of whom continued to live among the people. The contrast was too striking between the tsarist era, with its prosperity and true freedom, and their revolutionary era, the era of genocide, famine, civil war, total robbery, prisons and concentration camps."

THE TSAR AND THE WAR

On August 23, 1915, Nicholas II assumed supreme command of the Russian army. This decision was made not at the moment of victories, but at the very hard time, when our troops suffered defeats, and the supply of weapons and reinforcements was intermittent. The king managed to change the course of events. Under his leadership, the front stabilized, supplies were restored, communications were established, and interaction improved. military units. Imperceptible and seemingly insignificant measures led to an increase in military power, and brought the power closer to the very threshold of victory - the army took heart and began to breathe deeply. Moreover, according to historians, not only the prudent command of Nicholas II played a role, but also the Tsar’s own presence in the troops, as the universally revered leader of the Russian people.

The Emperor, in a letter to Empress Alexandra Feodorovna, reported: “People accepted this step as something natural and understood it like we do... Everything must be done to bring the war to a victorious end. This was officially told to me by all the deputations that I received the other day , and so on throughout Russia. The only exception make up Petrograd and Moscow - two tiny dots on the map of our Fatherland!

But it was these two “tiny dots” that subsequently played a fatal role in the fate of the huge country.

PROSPECTS FOR VICTORY

If Russia had emerged victorious from World War I while remaining an autocratic Orthodox monarchy, it might have become the most powerful and influential state in the world. During the war, Russia was supposed to receive the Turkish straits of the Bosphorus and Dardanelles, which opened up the possibility of dominance over the most important sea communications. In addition to the military and political reasons, the straits also had a certain religious meaning. They opened the way to a great mission: to obtain Constantinople under Russian citizenship and raise the cross on St. Sophia.

This state of affairs did not suit the world elite, who sought to maintain and strengthen their control over the world. Foreign powers made great efforts to intensify the revolutionary movement in Russia with the goal of overthrowing the Tsar and destroying the Empire. Today we see something similar to this, only on a smaller scale, in the example of “color” revolutions.
CONSPIRACY

By 1917, under the influence of revolutionary and liberal propaganda, society had become greatly corrupted. The number of people who did not consider Autocracy to be God’s institution, but Orthodox Christianity- by your faith. Many remarkable statesmen and military leaders fell at the hands of terrorists. Fewer and fewer people loyal to the king remained in his circle. There was also fermentation in the Church, which subsequently led to the actual support of the Holy Synod for the February Revolution.

By the end of 1916, a conspiracy was drawn up against Nicholas II, in which the tsarist generals were involved. The main organizers of the conspiracy were the Progressive Bloc and the upper classes of the bourgeoisie, supported by the Entente. The traitors decided to take advantage of the war to carry out political changes,

Tsar Nicholas II did not foresee the betrayal of his generals during a difficult and bloody war, and, moreover, literally on the eve of victory.

UNITS IN THE CAPITAL

A strike began at some Petrograd factories on February 23, which the authorities of great importance At first they didn’t give it. But soon professional militants began to appear in the crowds of workers, provoking the police and troops. Workers with red flags threw at the police hand grenades and bottles, which provoked retaliatory shooting. There were also “American anarchists” who, according to the Security Branch, were sent to Russia on the eve of the events.

Nicholas II, who before the outbreak of unrest was deceived into Mogilev, where the Headquarters of the Supreme Command was located, gives a clear order: to immediately restore order in Petrograd. But the military leadership of Petrograd did not have the will to fulfill this order of the Sovereign.

Despite their revolutionary nature, the events in Petrograd did not represent mortal danger for the Empire. Return of the Sovereign to Petrograd, or even sending them faithful military units, would restore order in the capital in a matter of hours. The conspirators understood this well.

On February 27, at about 11 p.m., Emperor Nicholas II realized that he had been deceived and decided to leave Headquarters back to Tsarskoe Selo. The return of the Tsar would have led to the restoration of order, but, apparently, by that time the Tsar had ceased to control the route of his own train. Headquarters sabotaged the tsar's order to send loyal troops to Petrograd. The trap slammed shut, and the Tsar found himself captured in his own imperial train.

RENUNCIATION

At the decisive moment, in response to Chief of Staff Alekseev’s deftly formulated request to the front commanders for abdication, only two generals publicly expressed loyalty to the Sovereign - Adjutant General Khan Nakhichevansky and Lieutenant General Count F.A. Keller, but their telegrams were not transmitted to the Emperor. Most military leaders, including the future founders of the White Army, Generals Alekseev and Kornilov, welcomed the abdication by wearing red bows.

The scale of the betrayal amazed the Emperor. Having learned that his abdication was allegedly demanded by the army, the people and even members of the dynasty, the Anointed One did not consider it possible to maintain his power by force, since the people did not need him. And it is wrong to look for reasons in the imaginary “lack of will” and “lack of political abilities” of Nicholas II. The abdication to which the Sovereign was forced was the least evil, because the use of force could lead to a split in society and bloodshed. This would weaken Russia in the face of a still very strong enemy. At the same time, transferring power to his brother, the Tsar wanted to ease the conscience of the people, not to impose on them the sin of perjury. “There is treason, cowardice, and deceit all around,” these were last words in the royal diary on the night of his abdication.

THE SPIRITUAL MEANING OF THE KING'S FEAT

Tsar Nicholas correctly understood that it was no longer possible to save Russia by forceful measures (which he first tried to take to suppress the rebellion, but they were canceled behind his back by the conspiratorial generals). Always strictly examining his conscience and carefully thinking through his decisions, the Emperor now made the only correct choice at that time, which required considerable courage and dedication from him. This was a great sacrifice made by the Tsar in the name of saving his beloved people, who had succumbed to the insidious temptation of “democracy.”

And this was the beginning of God's wrath on Russian society for the apostasy and greed of many Russian people who have completely lost touch with the Church. Russia's enemies managed to deceive them and contrast them with the obvious truth - Orthodox faith and love for the Tsar and the Fatherland.

On the day of the Tsar’s abdication, an icon appeared in the village of Kolomenskoye near Moscow. Mother of God Sovereign. This Holy Mother of God showed Russia that from now on the royal crown, scepter and orb were accepted by Her. The face of the Mother of God, filled with sadness, foreshadowed both the royal Ekaterinburg Golgotha ​​and the future torment of Russia. But most people in those days knew nothing about this appearance of the Mother of God. They were passionate about the revolution.

CONCLUSION

March 2, 1917, in conditions terrible war, on the eve of its victorious completion, a betrayal of the leading part of Russian society and the aristocracy, unparalleled in history, to its Tsar - God's Anointed, the Supreme Commander-in-Chief - took place. This was the fruit of a gradual cooling of faith, which led to blindness and a reorientation of society towards false guidelines.

To justify themselves, the usurpers of power tried to accuse the Tsar himself of “anti-people activities.” Later, a commission of the Provisional Government, created to discover evidence of the accusation, found nothing of the kind. Chief investigator V.M. Rudnev ended his report with the words: “The Emperor is pure as crystal.” However, neither he nor his family were released from arrest, which contributed to the seizure of power by the Bolsheviks and subsequent execution royal family.

Today many are calling us to repentance before the Passion-Bearer King. It certainly should be. But there must also be a firm understanding that each of us has changed and is no longer capable of such betrayal.

Abdication of Nicholas 2 from the throne

The abdication of Nicholas 2 from the throne is perhaps one of the most confusing mysteries of the 20th century.
Its main reason was the weakening of the power of the sovereign, inevitable and inevitable in the conditions in which the empire was located.
The brewing revolutionary situation, which was gaining momentum and the growing discontent of the country's population, became the ground on which the collapse of the monarchical system occurred.
After three years, in February 1917, the country was two steps away from victory. Thanks to her, Russia could expect world power and prosperity, but events developed along a different path.
On February 22, the emperor unexpectedly left for Mogilev. His presence at Headquarters was necessary to coordinate the plan for the spring offensive. This act became a turning point in history, as there were only a few days left until the end royal power.
The next day, Petrograd was engulfed in revolutionary unrest. In addition, 200,000 soldiers were concentrated in the city, waiting to be sent to the front. An interesting fact is that the train was composed of different layers population, a significant part were factory workers. Dissatisfied with their fate and carefully prepared by propagandists, this mass served as a kind of detonator.
To organize the unrest, rumors about a shortage of bread were spread. A workers' strike was organized and grew with inexorable force. Slogans were shouted everywhere: “Down with autocracy” and “Down with war.”
For several days, unrest spread throughout the entire city and surrounding area. And finally, on February 27, a military revolt broke out. The Emperor instructed Adjutant General Ivanov to deal with its suppression
Under the pressure of these events, Nicholas 2 decided to return to Tsarskoe Selo. Leaving the military headquarters, essentially the center for controlling the situation, was a fatal mistake. Nicholas still hoped for the loyalty and honesty of his subjects. The headquarters remained under the control of General Alekseev and the emperor’s connection with the army was virtually interrupted.

But the emperor's train was stopped on the night of March 1, just 150 versts from Petrograd. Because of this, Nikolai had to go to Pskov, where Ruzsky’s headquarters was located, under whose command the northern front was located.

Nikolai 2 talked with Ruzsky about the current situation. The emperor now began to feel with all clarity that a well-organized situation of rebellion, combined with the loss of the army’s trust in the royal power, could end disastrously not only for the monarchical system, but also for the royal family itself. The Tsar realized that, effectively cut off from any of his allies, he must make concessions. He agrees with the idea of ​​a Responsible Ministry, which would include representatives of parties capable of calming the population and taking measures to prevent an acute situation. On the morning of March 2, Ruzsky, by his order, stops the suppression of the rebellion and informs Rodzianko, the chairman of the provisional government, about the emperor’s consent to a responsible ministry, to which Rodzianko responds with disagreement with such a decision. He made it clear that the situation could not be corrected little blood and the abdication of Nicholas 2 from the throne must take place, one way or another. The demands of the revolutionaries went far beyond the transfer of part of the power to the Responsible Ministry and conservative, restraining measures would be absolutely useless. It was necessary to show that the country could and would develop along a different political path, and for this the autocrat had to leave the throne. Having learned about this state of affairs, the Chief of Staff of the Supreme Commander-in-Chief, General Alekseev, essentially organizes a conspiracy. He sends telegrams to all military commanders in which he asks each of them to convince the emperor of his insolvency and surrender to the mercy of the revolutionary forces.

Under the influence of the general will, on the afternoon of March 2, the emperor decides to abdicate in favor of his son Alexei with the guardianship of Prince Mikhail. But unexpected news The court doctor about the incurability of hemophilia in the heir forced Nicholas to abandon this idea. He understood that immediately after the abdication, he would be expelled and deprived of the opportunity to be near his son. Thus, paternal feelings overpowering the sense of duty to the country became the decisive factor.

On March 3, the emperor decided for himself and his son to abdicate in favor of his brother Mikhail. This decision was absolutely unlawful, but they did not challenge it, since no one doubted Mikhail’s subsequent renunciation, which happened a little later. Driven into a corner by circumstances Grand Duke, without realizing it, with his signature he destroyed even the slightest possibility of restoring the monarchy.

The abdication of Nicholas 2 from the throne did not bring relief to the Russian people. Revolutions rarely bring happiness ordinary people. The First World War ended humiliatingly for Russia, and soon bloodshed began within the country.

I have written and spoken more than once about the fact that Emperor Nikolai Alexandrovich Romanov did not abdicate the throne. There are no documents entitled “The Abdication of Nicholas II” in the archives of Russia. What is there?
There is something very reminiscent of a fake and fake. On this topic - material blogger patriotka

“The Tsarist period of our history has been slandered no less than the Soviet period. Recently I posted information about the reign of Nicholas II. As we can see, people under tsarist rule did not live at all the way they imagine it to us. The same thing applies to the “abdication” of the king from the throne. I bring to your attention a detailed analysis proving that it actually did not exist. This fact immediately changes the idea of ​​Nicholas II as a traitor and a rag. This man remained faithful to Russia to the end and accepted martyrdom for her sake.

Andrey Razumov. Emperor's signature

A few comments on the “Manifesto on the abdication of Nicholas II”

The official version of the abdication is spelled out in detail. Numerous memoirs of eyewitnesses, the smoke of newspaper reports and the meager lines of the Emperor's diary - fragments of a mosaic formed the overall picture; the testimony of the Duma conspirators was intertwined in a bizarre pattern with the testimony of the Suite conspirators. According to their generalized version, on February 28, the Tsar left Headquarters for Tsarskoe Selo, but was stopped along the way by reports of unrest in Lyuban and Tosno. Having turned the trains around, the Emperor ordered them to bypass the rioting section through the station. Dno and Pskov to Tsarskoe. But in Pskov, Nicholas II was given telegrams from the commanders with pleas for renunciation, after which the Tsar renounced, signing two corresponding manifestos.

This is the official version. The ends of the intrigue are hidden securely, the facts of betrayal are carefully obscured. It’s as if there was no perjury at all - after all, the Emperor himself abdicated.

However, the fact of the conspiracy is not particularly hidden even by its participants. But what was the conspiracy, if there is a signed renunciation, if power, voluntarily or forced, but OWNLY was transferred to the conspirators? I will try to find an answer to this question.

Unfortunately, one cannot count on the help of people faithful to the Tsar - among the eyewitnesses around Him there were no faithful to the Tsar. “There is treason and cowardice and deceit all around!” It's nothing. We will be helped by “eyewitnesses” of a different kind, who were silent for a long time among the people who lied to us, and who brought to us their secrets and betrayals. These are sheets of copies of the “renunciation” that have turned yellow in the archives.

Let's take a closer look at these papers. A leisurely analysis of them will tell an inquisitive person a lot. For example, all researchers are struck by the fact that the Sovereign’s signatures were made in pencil. Surprised historians write that during the 23 years of his reign, this was the only time the Emperor put a pencil signature on a document. Fully sharing their surprise, let us step a little further and check the authenticity of the signatures of the Tsar and Fredericks, evaluate the structure of the text of the “renunciation” and identify its authors, count the letters in the text and clarify the number of known copies of the “renunciations”.

Who composed the Tsar’s “renunciation”?
The Emperor himself. So, at least, it follows from the testimony. According to them, the Emperor was offered “outlines” of renunciations, which He did not use.

This is exactly what eyewitness Shulgin writes: “The Emperor answered. After the excited words of A.I. (Guchkova - R.) His voice sounded calm, simple and precise. Only the accent was a little foreign - guards: - I decided to abdicate the throne... The Tsar stood up... Everyone stood up... Guchkov handed the Tsar a “sketch” (abdication - R.). The Emperor took it and left. After some time, the Emperor entered again. He handed Guchkov the paper, saying: “Here is the text... It was two or three quarters - the kind that were obviously used at Headquarters for telegraph forms.” But the text was written on a typewriter. The text was written in those amazing words that everyone now knows... How pitiful the sketch we brought seemed to me. The Emperor brought it too and put it on the table. There was nothing to add to the text of the renunciation...” Shulgin V.V. "Days". (All ellipses are the author’s. R.)

Another witness echoes him: “The description of the meeting of Guchkov and Shulgin with the Emperor on March 2, made by Shulgin, shortly after the deputies returned to Petrograd, was compiled quite correctly.” (Gen. D.N. DUBENSKY. “How the revolution took place in Russia.”)

The third witness, Colonel Mordvinov, although he refused, in his own words, to participate in the meeting of the Tsar with the Duma members, for some reason also began to ardently assure us of the veracity of Shulgin’s story: “Shulgin’s story, published in newspapers, which I subsequently read, is a lot resumed in my memory. With a few exceptions (Shulgin is silent about the certificate in the basic laws), he is generally correct and truthfully paints a picture of the reception of members of the Duma.” (Col. A. A. MORDVINOV. “The Last Days of the Emperor.”)

Let's take his word for it. It’s my own fault - they didn’t pull their tongue.

Let me summarize. Thus, the Emperor, according to the testimony of three witnesses, having familiarized himself with the “outline” of the renunciation kindly prepared for Him by Guchkov and Shulgin, rejected it as “pathetic” and, going out somewhere, composed his own version. Who typed with his own hand or dictated to an unknown typist “in those amazing words that everyone now knows.” Then he went out and signed. That's what the witnesses say.

Now let's look at the documents.

Telegram from Adjutant General Alekseev to the Tsar, No. 1865, dated March 1, 1917. According to the Soviet historian Shchegolev, reported to Nicholas II by General Ruzsky on March 1/14 in Pskov at 11 p.m.

“To His Imperial Majesty. The ever-growing danger of the spread of anarchy throughout the country, the further disintegration of the army and the impossibility of continuing the war in the current situation urgently requires the immediate issuance of the highest act that can still calm minds, which is only possible by recognizing the responsible ministry and entrusting its drafting to the Chairman of the State Duma.
Incoming information gives reason to hope that the Duma leaders, led by Rodzianko, can still stop the general collapse and that work can begin with them, but the loss of every hour reduces the last chances of preserving and restoring order and contributes to the seizure of power by extreme left-wing elements. In view of this, I earnestly beg your Imperial Majesty to deign to immediately publish the following manifesto from headquarters:
“We announce to all our faithful subjects: Grozny and the cruel enemy is straining his last strength to fight our homeland. The decisive hour is near. The fate of Russia, the honor of our heroic army, the well-being of the people, the entire future of our dear fatherland requires bringing the war to a victorious end at all costs. Striving harder rally all the people's forces to achieve victory as quickly as possible, I recognized the need to hold accountable representatives of the people ministry, entrusting its formation to the Chairman of the State Duma, Rodzianko, from persons enjoying the confidence of all of Russia. I hope that everything faithful sons Russia, closely united around the throne and popular representation, they will unanimously help the valiant army complete its great feat. In the name of our beloved homeland, I call on all Russian people to fulfill their sacred duty to it, in order to demonstrate again that Russia is as indestructible as always, and that no machinations of enemies will defeat it. May God help us." 1865. Adjutant General Alekseev. March 1, 1917"

Let us compare the text of Alekseev’s telegram, reported to the Tsar on the first of March, and the text of the “renunciation”, independently invented by the Tsar on the second of March. I have highlighted the matches between the two texts in red.

Headquarters for the Chief of Staff. During the days of the great struggle with an external enemy, who had been striving to enslave our Motherland for almost three years, the Lord God was pleased to send Russia a new ordeal. The outbreak of internal popular unrest threatens to have a disastrous effect on the further conduct of the stubborn war. The fate of Russia, the honor of our heroic army, the good of the people, the entire future of our dear Fatherland demand that the war be brought to a victorious end at all costs. The cruel enemy is straining his last strength, and already the hour is near when our valiant army, together with our glorious allies, will be able to finally crush the enemy. In these decisive days in the life of Russia, we considered it a duty of conscience to make it easier for our people close unity and rallying of all people's forces to achieve victory as quickly as possible and in agreement with the State Duma, we recognized it as good to abdicate the throne of the Russian state and relinquish supreme power. Not wanting to part with our beloved son, we pass on our legacy to our brother, Grand Duke Mikhail Alexandrovich, and bless him to ascend the throne of the Russian state. We command our brother to rule over state affairs in complete and inviolable unity with the representatives of the people in legislative institutions on those principles that will be established by them, taking an inviolable oath to that effect. In the name of our beloved Motherland, we call on all the faithful sons of the Fatherland to fulfill their holy duty to him by obedience to the Tsar in difficult times of national trials and to help him along with representatives of the people lead the Russian state onto the path of victory, prosperity and glory. May the Lord God help Russia. Nikolai.

I can imagine how, not having found his own words for such an insignificant document - the abdication of the Throne - the Emperor selectively, but painstakingly, slightly changing other people's letters, words and expressions, carefully rewrote the text of Alekseev's telegram. Oh yes, I almost forgot. Reprints, of course. Although, perhaps, not himself either. We should have covered our tracks more carefully, gentlemen, conspirators. Such telegrams immediately sting. And telegraph operators are hanged. But who then composed the text of the “renunciation”?

The Autocrat All-Russian Sovereign Emperor Nicholas II never composed a renunciation, did not write it by hand and did not sign it. The document was also not certified by Fredericks. Thus, the Sovereign has nothing to do with his own renunciation.

Facsimile of "renunciations":
Lomonosov's copy. New York, 1919.

Shchegolev's copy. Leningrad, 1927.
http://publ.lib.ru/ARCHIVES/SCH/SCHEGOLEV_Pavel_Eliseevich/_Schegolev_P._E...html#01">http://www.hist.msu.ru/ER/Etext/nik2.gi fhttp:// publ.lib.ru/ARCHIVES/SCH/SCHEGOL EV_Pavel_Eliseevich/_Schegolev_P._E...htm l#01 Copy of the Russian Civil Aviation, 2007.
http://www.rusarchives.ru/evants/exhibi tions/1917-myths-kat/34.shtml "

© “Ekaterinburg Initiative”, Academy Russian history. 2008

Komsomolskaya Pravda continues to publish articles dedicated to my books. I am grateful to this newspaper for its attention and help in significantly expanding its readership.
I bring to your attention the second material (first)

Today we will return to the February Revolution of 1917. The historian spoke about those events in the book “Who is financing the collapse of Russia?” (Peter publishing house).

Nikolai Starikov himself kindly agreed to answer questions from Komsomolskaya Pravda and provided details February events 1917, which were not included in his book.

Release the killers
The new government of Russia - the Provisional - has gone crazy... On March 2, 1917, Emperor Nicholas II abdicated the throne in favor of his brother Mikhail. On March 3, under pressure from the Duma delegation and especially A.F. Kerensky, Mikhail Aleksandrovich Romanov refused to accept power until a decision was made Constituent Assembly. And before the convening of this meeting, power passed to the Provisional Government. For some reason these gentlemen decided that our country no longer needs the police. The Separate Corps of Gendarmes was abolished and subjected to a personnel purge military counterintelligence! Such an amazing decision was made in the midst of a world war. Were the ministers in their right minds when they dispersed the police? The very fact of the tsar's abdication... was a heavy blow to the morale of the troops. Why make it worse? The first paragraph of the first document of the Provisional Government reads: “Full and immediate amnesty for all political and religious cases, including terrorist attacks, military uprisings.” In what other country during the war were all those who tried to destroy this country released from prison? You won't find any examples!

The power of temporary workers
Nikolai Aleksandrovich Romanov had not yet had time to abdicate the throne, and in Petrograd two new authorities created themselves. The Provisional Government and the Petrograd Soviet of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies arose: equally illegally; on the same day, February 27, 1917; on the initiative of the same person! The name of everything that happened is high treason! Let me explain. Nicholas II, until the evening of March 2, 1917, when he abdicated the throne, was the only legitimate leader of the country... An attempt to create an illegal body and usurpation of power in peacetime is punished severely. During war, you don't have to be a lawyer to predict the verdict. Therefore, Duma members are very reluctant to go to the Tauride Palace, where meetings of deputies usually took place. After all, according to the royal decree, the Duma was dissolved. But one person decisively takes the initiative into his own hands. His last name is Kerensky. He will write in his memoirs: “I realized that the hour of history had finally struck. Having quickly dressed, I went to the Duma building... My first thought was: to continue the Duma session at any cost.”

Then for 8 long months the Provisional Government will fight with the Petrograd Soviet. Why wasn't it dispersed immediately? Yes, because the Provisional Government and the Council are leftist and right hand one organism that was preparing to release the terrible genie of Russian unrest and anarchy. So that not a single stone remains from the Empire, they will not drive it back!

Collapse of the army
The most terrible and destructive was Order No. 1 of the Petrograd Soviet... According to the order, soldiers not only may not listen to their commanders, they are obliged not to give them weapons! Now let’s look at the publication date of this nasty thing:

March 1, 1917 Let me remind you that Emperor Nicholas will abdicate power only on March 2. This means that those who issued this order committed treason of the highest order. They deliberately tried to destroy the army Russian Empire, and therefore the country itself. Kerensky was the only one from the Provisional Government who was a member of the Council. Therefore, he was responsible for the creation of Order No. 1. The Provisional Government lived in perfect harmony with the West. Kerensky, who was corrupting the country and the army, was a favorite Western politicians and reporters.

Nikolai STARIKOV: In his old age, Kerensky was tormented by his conscience

— What was the situation in the country on the eve of the February Revolution of 1917?

— In February 1917, several conspiracies tragically intertwined. The first is the conspiracy of Miliukov, Guchkov and other Duma figures who wanted to overthrow the monarchy. The second was a conspiracy of generals who wanted to eliminate the “clique” leading the country to defeat, the personification of which for them was first Rasputin, and after his death the Empress. The third and most important was not a conspiracy, but an actual British intelligence operation that sought to cause an internal explosion in Russia. The British cleverly manipulated the first and second conspirators to achieve their goals.

— Why did Russia’s opponents become more active in 1917?

— The Turkish straits were promised to Russia as a military trophy after the victory in the war over the Germans. Russia has been trying to capture them for more than 100 years. A Russian landing operation in the Bosphorus was planned for April 1917. Everything was ready. Admiral Kolchak was appointed to command the landing. Simultaneously with our landing, an offensive was to begin on the Western and Eastern Fronts against the Germans. This meant the end of the war. Victory of the Entente, and therefore Russia. The British would have to give up the straits. Russia comes to Mediterranean Sea. You can't give it away. What to do? Cause an internal explosion using scoundrels, idealists and fools. It might not have worked out. But a confluence of thousands of circumstances led to tragedy.

— But why didn’t the authorities in Russia do anything to prevent the coup?

“The authorities of both the Empire and Petrograd acted criminally softly and shamefully ineptly. The hydra of revolution had to be crushed with an iron hand. Hundreds would have died, but millions would have survived. Weak power ruined the centuries-old Russian state. By the way, in one of the British sources I found information that England was preparing during this period for a war “with a certain power.” This means that the British did not believe in the success of their intelligence services and were preparing to fight us. If February had not happened, the Anglo-Russian war would have begun in the spring. Compared to the Civil one, it would be a blessing. After all, nothing could simply be worse than a fratricidal war with millions of men killed, millions of children, women and old people who died from diseases.

— Why did Nicholas II abdicate the throne?

“I am absolutely convinced that Nikolai Romanov did not abdicate the throne. We are dealing with lies and falsification. There is no document in the archives called “Renunciation.” There is a typewritten text entitled “To the Chief General Staff" It was supposedly signed by the Tsar, although Nicholas never used pencils. The text on the sheet itself resembles a telegram, not a renunciation. It seems to me that the sovereign did not sign the abdication. He was simply presented with a fait accompli by announcing this. I am convinced that the conspirators blackmailed the king with the fate of his family, which could have died if he persisted. Nikolai was arrested. Who could he tell the truth to? Convoy soldiers? Wife and children? The reason for their murder will also be the desire to preserve the secret of the “renunciation”.

— There is still an opinion in Russia that if the Bolsheviks had not seized power in October 17th, then February Revolution would be good for the country. What is your opinion?

“It’s hard to imagine greater stupidity.” The Provisional Government abolished the entire Russian administration, governors and vice-governors in one day. The police and all other law enforcement agencies were disbanded, discipline was abolished in the army. Not only were Lenin and his comrades not arrested, they were greeted at the station with flowers and an orchestra! The temporary workers issued a huge mass of new money, “Kerenok”, and thereby undermined the financial system. The death penalty was abolished, including for desertion and espionage. This is during the war! I argue that the Provisional Government was completely controlled by Great Britain and, under the dictation of its intelligence services, deliberately led the country to disaster. And in October, Kerensky, again deliberately, on command, transferred power to his classmate Lenin. And he safely left for the UK, to be with his English “friends”.

-What kind of person was Kerensky?

Only Hitler brought more harm to Russia. Kerensky deliberately destroyed his homeland. Millions died from his actions. He was an English puppet, and remained so until the end of his days. He lived in the West, and some kind of fund was created for him. And he called for an attack on Russia - the USSR nuclear strike. They say that in his declining years his conscience began to torment him and he said that if he could go back to 1917, he would give the order to shoot him himself.

Prepared by Larisa KAFTAN.

Read in the next issue of the weekly: how Lenin seized power in October 1917.