The abdication of the throne of Nicholas II was a landmark event for Russian history. The overthrow of the monarch could not happen in a vacuum; it was prepared. Many internal and external factors contributed to it.

Revolutions, regime changes, and overthrows of rulers do not happen instantly. This is always a labor-intensive, expensive operation, in which both direct performers and passive, but no less important for the result, card de ballet are involved.
The overthrow of Nicholas II was planned long before the spring of 1917, when the historic abdication of the last Russian emperor from the throne took place. What paths led to the fact that the centuries-old monarchy was defeated, and Russia was drawn into revolution and a fratricidal Civil War?

Public opinion

The revolution occurs primarily in the heads; a change of the ruling regime is impossible without a lot of work on the minds of the ruling elite, as well as the population of the state. Today this technique of influence is called the “path of soft power.” IN pre-war years and during the First World War foreign countries, primarily England, began to show unusual sympathy towards Russia.

British Ambassador to Russia Buchanan, together with British Foreign Secretary Gray, organized two trips of delegations from Russia to Foggy Albion. First, Russian liberal writers and journalists (Nabokov, Egorov, Bashmakov, Tolstoy, etc.) went to warm up to Britain, followed by politicians (Miliukov, Radkevich, Oznobishin, etc.).

Meetings of Russian guests were arranged in England with all the chic: banquets, meetings with the king, visits to the House of Lords, universities. Upon their return, the returning writers began to write excitedly about how good it is in England, how strong its army is, how good parliamentarism is...

But the returning “Duma members” actually stood in the vanguard of the revolution in February 1917 and entered the Provisional Government. Well-established ties between the British establishment and the Russian opposition led to the fact that during the allied conference held in Petrograd in January 1917, the head of the British delegation, Milner, sent a memorandum to Nicholas II, in which he almost demanded that the people needed for Britain be included in the government. The tsar ignored this request, but the “necessary people” were already in the government.

Popular propaganda

How massive the propaganda and “people's mail” were in anticipation of the overthrow of Nicholas II can be judged by one interesting document - the diary of the peasant Zamaraev, which is kept today in the museum of the city of Totma, Vologda region. The peasant kept a diary for 15 years.

After the king's abdication he did next entry: “Romanov Nikolai and his family have been deposed, are all under arrest and receive all food on a par with others on ration cards. Indeed, they did not care at all about the welfare of their people, and the people’s patience ran out. They brought their state to hunger and darkness. What was going on in their palace. This is horror and shame! It was not Nicholas II who ruled the state, but the drunkard Rasputin. All the princes were replaced and dismissed from their positions, including the commander-in-chief Nikolai Nikolaevich. Everywhere in all cities there is a new department, the old police are gone.”

Military factor

Father of Nicholas II Emperor Alexander III liked to repeat: “In the whole world we have only two loyal ally, our army and navy. “Everyone else, at the first opportunity, will take up arms against us.” The peacemaker king knew what he was talking about. The way the “Russian card” was played in the First World War clearly showed that he was right; the Entente allies turned out to be unreliable “Western partners.”

The very creation of this bloc was beneficial, first of all, to France and England. The role of Russia was assessed by the “allies” in a rather pragmatic manner. The French Ambassador to Russia, Maurice Paleologue, wrote: “In terms of cultural development, the French and Russians are not on the same level. Russia is one of the most backward countries in the world. Compare our army with this ignorant, unconscious mass: all our soldiers are educated; in the forefront are young forces who have proven themselves in art and science, talented and sophisticated people; this is the cream of humanity... From this point of view, our losses will be more sensitive than Russian losses.”

The same Paleologus on August 4, 1914 tearfully asked Nicholas II: “I beg Your Majesty to order your troops to go on an immediate offensive, otherwise the French army risks being crushed...”.

The Tsar ordered the troops who had not completed mobilization to advance. For the Russian army, the haste turned into a disaster, but France was saved. It is surprising to read about this now, given that by the time the war began, the standard of living in Russia (in major cities) was no lower than the standard of living in France. Involving Russia in the Entente is only a move in a game played against Russia. The Russian army seemed to the Anglo-French allies as an inexhaustible reservoir of human resources, and its onslaught was associated with a steam roller, hence one of Russia’s leading places in the Entente, in fact the most important link in the “triumvirate” of France, Russia and Great Britain.

For Nicholas II, the bet on the Entente was a losing one. The significant losses that Russia suffered in the war, desertion, and unpopular decisions that the emperor was forced to make - all this weakened his position and led to inevitable abdication.

Renunciation

The document on the abdication of Nicholas II is considered very controversial today, but the very fact of abdication is reflected, among other things, in the emperor’s diary: “In the morning Ruzsky came and read his long conversation on the apparatus with Rodzianko. According to him, the situation in Petrograd is such that now the ministry from the Duma is powerless to do anything, since the Social Democrats are fighting it. the party represented by the working committee. My renunciation is needed. Ruzsky conveyed this conversation to headquarters, and Alekseev to all commanders in chief. By 2½ o'clock answers came from everyone. The point is that in the name of saving Russia and keeping the army at the front calm, you need to decide to take this step. I agreed. A draft manifesto was sent from Headquarters. In the evening, Guchkov and Shulgin arrived from Petrograd, with whom I talked and gave them the signed and revised manifesto. At one o'clock in the morning I left Pskov with a heavy feeling of what I had experienced. There is treason, cowardice, and deceit all around!”

What about the church?

To the surprise, official Church she reacted calmly to the renunciation of God’s Anointed. The official synod issued an appeal to the children Orthodox Church, which recognized the new government.

Almost immediately, prayerful commemoration of the royal family ceased; words mentioning the Tsar and the Royal House were removed from the prayers. Letters from believers were sent to the Synod asking whether the Church's support of the new government was not a crime of perjury, since Nicholas II did not abdicate voluntarily, but was actually overthrown. But in the revolutionary turmoil, no one received an answer to this question.

To be fair, it should be said that the newly elected Patriarch Tikhon subsequently decided to hold memorial services everywhere commemorating Nicholas II as Emperor.

Shuffle of authorities

After the abdication of Nicholas II, the Provisional Government became the official body of power in Russia. However, in reality it turned out to be a puppet and non-viable structure. Its creation was initiated, its collapse also became natural. The Tsar had already been overthrown, the Entente needed to delegitimize power in Russia in any way so that our country could not participate in the post-war reconstruction of borders.

Doing this through the Civil War and the Bolsheviks coming to power was an elegant and win-win solution. The Provisional Government “surrendered” very consistently: it did not interfere with Leninist propaganda in the army, turned a blind eye to the creation of illegal armed groups represented by the Red Guard, and in every possible way persecuted those generals and officers of the Russian army who warned about the danger of Bolshevism.

Newspapers write

It is indicative how the world's tabloids reacted to the February revolution and the news of the abdication of Nicholas II.
The French press presented a version that the tsarist regime fell in Russia as a result of three days of a hunger riot. French journalists resorted to an analogy: the February Revolution is a reflection of the revolution of 1789. Nicholas II, like Louis XVI, was presented as a “weak monarch” who was “harmfully influenced by his wife,” the “German” Alexandra, comparing this with the influence of the “Austrian” Marie Antoinette on the king of France. The image of the “German Helen” came in very handy, so that in Once again show the harmful influence of Germany.

The German press gave a different vision: “The end of the Romanov dynasty! Nicholas II signed the abdication of the throne for himself and his minor son,” shouted the Tägliches Cincinnatier Volksblatt.

The news talked about the liberal course of the new cabinet of the Provisional Government and expressed hope for the Russian Empire to exit the war, which was the main task of the German government. The February Revolution expanded Germany's prospects for achieving a separate peace, and they stepped up their offensive on a variety of fronts. “The Russian Revolution put us in a completely new position,” wrote Austria-Hungary Foreign Minister Chernin. “Peace with Russia,” wrote the Austrian Emperor Charles I to Kaiser Wilhelm II, “is the key to the situation. After its conclusion, the war will quickly come to a favorable end for us.”

Abdication of the Sovereign Emperor from the Throne of the Russian State. What can we Christians know about him?

1. Is authentic

“We didn’t believe it, just as we didn’t believe any bad news from the first hearing, but the next day a manifesto of renunciation appeared in the newspapers, set out in those simple and great words that only one Sovereign knew how to speak” (Tatyana Melnik (born Botkin). Memories of The Royal Family and its life before and after the revolution. Belgrade, 1921. P.30).

2. Eat legally. Accepted by virtue of the King's fulfillment of His personal duty

The Tsar was not obliged to defend his power over Russia. It was the duty of every single military man and civil officials who swore an oath to serve him personally to the last extreme, that is, to death. This point - to protect his power and not leave the throne - was not part of his duties as a Tsar. He had the right to abdicate in favor of his brother for the good of the Motherland. Lawless deception regarding the situation in the country, perpetrated by those people whose reports the Tsar believed, does not make the Tsar a participant in the deception.

The king recorded his decision on paper and marked this paper with the time of the decision: 15 hours 5 minutes on March 2. But even if this paper - the Act of Renunciation - is illegitimate before the letter of the laws of the Russian Empire, even if the Renunciation itself is not provided for by any legal norms, it is still legal before God, as committed by His Anointed One for legal reasons, which formed the subject of His promise to God - the good of the people : preventing internal bloodshed, protecting subjects from a sinful fall into rebellion and fratricide in the face of an external adversary.

The confidence that His departure was a blessing finally matured in the Emperor after receiving telegrams from the commanders of the fronts.

“Ultimately, the factor that weighed in the king’s decision was the advice of his generals. For Nicholas, each of these telegrams was more significant than a dozen messages from Rodzianko. They were his comrades in arms, his friends, his brave warriors. Nicholas loved the army and also sincerely loved his country. He cared more about winning the war than his crown. Starting a civil war, with Russians killing Russians while the hated Germans watched, was the negation of everything he deeply believed. If this was the opinion of his generals, then the highest act of patriotism that he could perform was abdication.” (Robert Massey. Nicholas and Alexandra. Moscow, Interprax, 1990, p. 355).

Deep confidence in the impeccable correctness of what was done breathes in the entry in the Emperor's Diary the next day after the Abdication.

I slept long and soundly. I woke up far beyond Dvinsk. The day was sunny and frosty. I talked to my people about yesterday. I read a lot about Julius Caesar. At 8.20 arrived in Mogilev. All the ranks of the headquarters were on the platform. I received Alekseev in the carriage. At 9 1/2 he moved into the house. Alekseev came with the latest news from Rodzianko. It turns out that Misha renounced. His manifesto ends with the quadrilateral for elections in 6 months of the Constituent Assembly. God knows who convinced him to sign such disgusting stuff! The unrest in Petrograd stopped - as long as it continued like this."

The Tsar, as we see, does not regret his action and wants only one thing: so that there is no continuation of the unrest.

The same confidence that the power he gave not to the enemies of Russia, but to patriots who love the Motherland, although opposed to him, will serve for the good and will bring the country to victory, comes through in another precise observation of Gilliard:

“At seven o’clock in the evening there is a service upstairs in the children’s rooms. There are only fifteen of us. I notice that the Sovereign devoutly crosses himself when the priest commemorates the Provisional Government" (P. Gilliard. Emperor Nicholas II and His Family. "Rus". Vienna, 1921, p. 172).

3. Accepted individually

“The Emperor said: “I have made up my mind. I renounce the throne,” and crossed himself. The generals crossed themselves” (Gen. S.S. Savvich. Nicholas II’s decision to abdicate. Abdication, p. 198).

“Today is the last time I see you. This is the will of God and the consequence of my decision” (Gen. N.M. Tikhmenev. The last visit of Nicholas II to Mogilev. Abdication, p. 211).

“...I couldn’t believe that the sovereign, the most generous and honest of the entire Romanov family, would be condemned to become innocent victim their relatives and subjects. But the tsar, with a completely calm expression in his eyes, confirmed all this, adding that “if all of Russia on its knees asked him to return to the throne, he would never return (A. Taneeva (Vyrubova). Pages of my life. M., 2016, p. 124).

“And it seemed to me, I was then even convinced that the decision had come to the sovereign earlier, even before receiving telegrams from the commanders-in-chief and Ruzsky’s insistence. It probably flashed in his thoughts for the first time, back on Tuesday, February 28, late in the evening, when they dared not to let him into Tsarskoe, but demanded to be escorted to Petrograd, and began to strengthen in the painful night from March 1 to 2, when in the morning I was so struck by his exhausted appearance . This Decision was made by him, as always, individually, in a struggle with himself, and to initiate others, even close ones, into his spiritual Drama, due to the nature of his shy, proudly noble nature, he probably not only did not want, but also did not could” (Col. A. A. Mordvinov. The Last Days of the Emperor. Abdication, p. 121).

4. Accepted in good faith and therefore legally

Abstracted from the practice and experience of life, a plumb line motionless in its vertical - conscience - or the internal Law of God - is the basis of law.

“WE considered it a duty of conscience,” the King explained to His people the reason for His renunciation.

“His Majesty calmly and firmly said that he is doing what his conscience tells him, and he is renouncing the throne for himself and for his son, with whom, due to his ill condition, he cannot part.” (Dubensky, Renunciation, p. 71).

The Tsar abdicated, yielding not to the revolution, but to the voice of His conscience, which said that he must renounce in favor of the next Tsar, and leave the kingdom himself for the sake of pacifying his subjects - patriots and monarchists. For the sake of victory for your country in the war. Of the 11 phrases of the Act of Abdication, eight are dedicated to the war, the front and victory over the external enemy, whom the Tsar calls “cruel” and “seeking to enslave our Motherland for three years.” The Emperor did not see any internal enemy at that hour, since neither Rodzianko, nor Ruzsky, nor Alekseev were enemies in his mind. The units in Petrograd that disobeyed were not enemies either.

5. Was the result of deception

Yes, the Emperor was deceived.

Yes, he was betrayed by his own service people.

Yes, he believed them, they convinced him. Apparently, it did not occur to the Emperor to arrest the main traitor Ruzsky, in whom he saw a loyal subject to the end.

This occurred to Flag Admiral Nilov and other members of the Retinue who sincerely loved the Emperor.

“Adjutant General K.D. Nilov was especially excited and when I entered his compartment, he said breathlessly that this traitor Ruzsky must be arrested and killed, that the Sovereign and all of Russia would perish.” (Dubensky, Renunciation, p. 61).

But they did not decide to do this without the will of the Tsar. The Tsar, upon his arrival in Pskov late in the evening of March 1, deliberately summoned Ruzsky, had a frank conversation with him, argued and objected, trusting him to talk with the Chairman of the Duma Rodzianka over a direct wire and not suspecting either him or other generals treason.

The true - vile - character of the Russian Judas - Adjutant General A.V. Ruzsky was revealed to the Emperor only late in the evening of the second of March. “At the door He turned to me with the words: “And Guchkov was completely decent in his demeanor; I was preparing to see something completely different from him... Did you notice Ruzsky’s behavior?“ The expression on the Emperor’s face better than words showed me what impression His adjutant general made on Him” (With the Tsar and without the Tsar. Memoirs of the last Palace Commandant of the Sovereign Emperor Nicholas II V.N. Voeikov. M., 1994, p. 141).

At the same time, the correctness decision taken did not raise doubts in the Tsar.

6. Does not contain any other meaning or motivation than that revealed by the Sovereign Himself in the public document signed by Him at 3 p.m. on March 2, 1917

The motives for the Emperor’s abdication of the throne come down to a succinct phrase from the arrested Empress, said to Pierre Gilliard in the Alexander Palace after Kerensky’s arrival with a demand to separate Their Majesties during the investigation:

“A little later, the very excited Empress came up to me and said:

To do this to the Sovereign, to do this nasty thing to him after he sacrificed himself and renounced in order to avoid civil war - how low, how petty! The Emperor did not want the blood of even one Russian to be shed for him. He was always ready to give up everything if he was sure that it was for the good of Russia.” (Gilliard, p. 171).

7. It was a political mistake - that is, a mistake that means nothing before God

The abdication was politically erroneous: it did not achieve any of the earthly goals proclaimed by its initiators and led to the fall of the thousand-year-old Russian Empire, which those who persuaded the Tsar to abdicate did not want.

The king was deceived by people whom he trusted infinitely.

“Tears sounded in his voice when he spoke about his friends and family, whom he trusted most and who turned out to be accomplices in overthrowing him from the throne. He showed me telegrams from Brusilov, Alekseev and other generals, members of his family, including Nikolai Nikolaevich: everyone asked His Majesty on his knees, to save Russia, to abdicate the throne.” (A. Taneeva (Vyrubova). Pages of my life. M., 2016, p. 124).

8. Sinless before God

Renunciation is sinless: accepted in conscience and in resonance with the feeling of the Tsar’s duty to God, which was the subject of the Tsar’s oath at the Holy Confirmation and Coronation in 1896.

"I didn't save autocratic power, and Russia,” the Emperor said to General Ivanov on the night of February 28. (Dubensky, p.53).

“There is no sacrifice that I would not make in the name of the real good and for the salvation of my dear Mother Russia. Therefore, I am ready to abdicate the throne in favor of my son so that he will remain with me until he comes of age under the regency of my brother, Grand Duke Mikhail Alexandrovich. Nikolai." (telegram from the Sovereign to Rodzianka on March 2 in the afternoon).

“By 2 1/2 replies came from all (commanders in chief). The point is that in the name of saving Russia and keeping the army at the front calm, you need to decide to take this step. I agreed” (Diary, March 2).

“We considered it a duty of conscience to facilitate close unity and rallying of all the people’s forces for our people to achieve victory as quickly as possible” (Act of Renunciation).

“To His Imperial Majesty Michael. Events last days forced Me to decide irrevocably to take this extreme step. Forgive Me if I upset you and did not have time to warn you. I remain forever a faithful and devoted Brother. I am returning to Headquarters and from there in a few days I hope to arrive in Tsarskoe Selo. I fervently pray to God to help You and Your Motherland. Nicky." (Telegram from the Sovereign to Brother Mikhail after the Abdication).

In essence, this is the motivation of the Holy Princes Boris and Gleb in their refusal of supreme power so as not to shed brotherly blood for their own sake.

For citizens earthly city That kind of motivation is crazy.

For the citizens of the Heavenly City, it is a memorable example of an unmistakable decision in personal presence before God.

Archpriest Vladimir Pereslegin

Abdication of Nicholas 2 from the throne

The abdication of Nicholas 2 from the throne is perhaps one of the most confusing mysteries of the 20th century.
Its main reason was the weakening of the power of the sovereign, inevitable and inevitable in the conditions in which the empire was located.
The brewing revolutionary situation, which was gaining momentum and the growing discontent of the country's population, became the ground on which the collapse of the monarchical system occurred.
After three years, in February 1917, the country was two steps away from victory. Thanks to her, Russia could expect world power and prosperity, but events developed along a different path.
On February 22, the emperor unexpectedly left for Mogilev. His presence at Headquarters was necessary to coordinate the plan for the spring offensive. This act became a turning point in history, as there were only a few days left until the end royal power.
The next day, Petrograd was engulfed in revolutionary unrest. In addition, 200,000 soldiers were concentrated in the city, waiting to be sent to the front. An interesting fact is that the train was composed of different layers population, a significant part were factory workers. Dissatisfied with their fate and carefully prepared by propagandists, this mass served as a kind of detonator.
To organize the unrest, rumors about a shortage of bread were spread. A workers' strike was organized and grew with inexorable force. Slogans were shouted everywhere: “Down with autocracy” and “Down with war.”
For several days, unrest spread throughout the entire city and surrounding area. And finally, on February 27, a military revolt broke out. The Emperor instructed Adjutant General Ivanov to deal with its suppression
Under the pressure of these events, Nicholas 2 decided to return to Tsarskoe Selo. Leaving the military headquarters, essentially the center for controlling the situation, was a fatal mistake. Nicholas still hoped for the loyalty and honesty of his subjects. The headquarters remained under the control of General Alekseev and the emperor’s connection with the army was virtually interrupted.

But the emperor's train was stopped on the night of March 1, just 150 versts from Petrograd. Because of this, Nikolai had to go to Pskov, where Ruzsky’s headquarters was located, under whose command the northern front was located.

Nikolai 2 talked with Ruzsky about the current situation. The emperor now began to feel with all clarity that a well-organized situation of rebellion, combined with the loss of the army’s trust in the royal power, could end disastrously not only for the monarchical system, but also for the royal family itself. The Tsar realized that, effectively cut off from any of his allies, he must make concessions. He agrees with the idea of ​​a Responsible Ministry, which would include representatives of parties capable of calming the population and taking measures to prevent an acute situation. On the morning of March 2, Ruzsky, by his order, stops the suppression of the rebellion and informs Rodzianko, the chairman of the provisional government, about the emperor’s consent to a responsible ministry, to which Rodzianko responds with disagreement with such a decision. He made it clear that the situation could not be corrected little blood and the abdication of Nicholas 2 from the throne must take place, one way or another. The revolutionaries' demands went far beyond the transfer of part of the power to the Responsible Ministry and conservative, restraining measures would be absolutely useless. It was necessary to show that the country could and would develop along a different political path, and for this the autocrat had to step down from the throne. Having learned about this state of affairs, the Chief of Staff of the Supreme Commander-in-Chief, General Alekseev, essentially organizes a conspiracy. He sends telegrams to all military commanders in which he asks each of them to convince the emperor of his insolvency and surrender to the mercy of the revolutionary forces.

Under the influence of the general will, on the afternoon of March 2, the emperor decides to abdicate in favor of his son Alexei with the guardianship of Prince Mikhail. But unexpected news The court doctor about the incurability of hemophilia in the heir forced Nicholas to abandon this idea. He understood that immediately after the abdication, he would be expelled and deprived of the opportunity to be near his son. Thus, paternal feelings overpowering the sense of duty to the country became the decisive factor.

On March 3, the emperor decided for himself and his son to abdicate in favor of his brother Mikhail. This decision was absolutely unlawful, but they did not challenge it, since no one doubted Mikhail’s subsequent renunciation, which happened a little later. Driven into a corner by circumstances Grand Duke, without realizing it, with his signature he destroyed even the slightest possibility of restoring the monarchy.

The abdication of Nicholas 2 from the throne did not bring relief to the Russian people. Revolutions rarely bring happiness ordinary people. The First World War ended humiliatingly for Russia, and soon bloodshed began inside the country.

100 years ago, on March 2 (15), 1917, Russian Emperor Nicholas II abdicated the throne. The tsar’s court historiographer, General Dmitry Dubensky, who constantly accompanied him on trips during the war, commented on the abdication: “I surrendered, as a squadron is surrendered... I should have gone not to Pskov, but to the guard, to the Special Army.”

The day before, the tsar's train, unable to travel towards Petrograd, which was already controlled by the rebels, arrived in Pskov. There was the headquarters of the armies of the Northern Front under the command of General Nikolai Ruzsky, and the Tsar hoped for its protection. However, even here the autocrat faced a heavy blow: as it turned out, Ruzsky was a secret opponent of the monarchy and did not like Nicholas II personally. And the chief of staff of the army, General Alekseev, organized a “general’s opinion poll” by telegraph. The next day, all the front commanders sent telegrams to the tsar asking him to relinquish power to save the country. After this, Nicholas II signed the Manifesto abdicating the throne in favor of his younger brother, Grand Duke Mikhail Alexandrovich. But the next day he also refused the crown, saying that he would wear it only if he spoke out in favor of it constituent Assembly new Russia. At the same time, a de facto dual power was established in Petrograd: on the one hand, the Provisional Government of Russia, on the other, the Petrograd Council of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies.

Thus, the palace coup was completed complete success Februaryist conspirators. The autocracy fell, and with it the collapse of the empire began. The Februaryists, without realizing it, opened Pandora's box. The revolution was just beginning. The Februaryists, having crushed the autocracy and seized power, hoped that with the help of the Entente (the West) they would be able to build a “new, free Russia,” but they were greatly mistaken. They crushed the last obstacle that held back the fundamental social contradictions that had been accumulating for centuries in Romanov Russia. A general collapse, a civilizational catastrophe, began.

IN rural areas A peasant war of its own begins - the destruction of landowners' estates, arson, armed clashes. Even before October 1917, the peasants would burn almost all the landowners' estates and divide the landowners' lands. The separation of not only Poland and Finland begins, but also Little Russia(Little Russia-Ukraine). In Kyiv, on March 4 (17), the Ukrainian Central Rada was created, which started talking about autonomy. On March 6 (March 19), a 100,000-strong demonstration took place under the slogans “Autonomy for Ukraine,” “Free Ukraine in a free Russia,” and “Long live free Ukraine with the hetman at its head.” All over Russia, all kinds of nationalists and separatists have raised their heads. National formations (gangs) appear in the Caucasus and the Baltic states. The Cossacks, previously loyal supporters of the throne, also become separatists. In fact, independent state formations arose - the Don Army, the Kuban Army, etc. Kronstadt and the Baltic Fleet were already out of the control of the Provisional Government in the spring of 1917. Mass killings of officers in the army and navy occur, officers lose control over the units entrusted to them, the army loses its combat effectiveness by the summer of 1917 and falls apart. And all this without any influence of the Bolsheviks!

The uprising continued to gain momentum. At 08.25, General Khabalov sent a telegram to Headquarters: “The number of those remaining faithful to duty has decreased to 600 infantry and 500 men. horsemen with 13 machine guns and 12 guns with 80 rounds of ammunition in total. The situation is extremely difficult.” At 9.00-10.00, he, answering questions from General Ivanov, said that at his disposal, in the Main Admiralty building, “four guards companies, five squadrons and hundreds, two batteries. Other troops went over to the side of the revolutionaries or remain, by agreement with them, neutral. Individual soldiers and gangs roam around the city, shooting at passers-by, disarming officers... All stations are in the power of the revolutionaries, strictly guarded by them... All artillery establishments are in the power of the revolutionaries...”

Armed workers and soldiers, advancing from the assembly point at the People's House in Alexander Park, crushed the outposts at the Birzhevoy and Tuchkov bridges and opened the way to Vasilyevsky Island. The 180th rebelled here infantry regiment, Finnish regiment. The rebels were joined by sailors of the 2nd Baltic Fleet Crew and the cruiser Aurora, which was being repaired at the Franco-Russian plant in the Kalinkin Bridge area. By noon the Peter and Paul Fortress was taken. The garrison of the fortress went over to the side of the rebels. The commandant of the fortress, Adjutant General Nikitin, recognized the new government. The soldiers of the reserve battalion of the Pavlovsk regiment, arrested two days earlier, were released. The rebels had the artillery of the Peter and Paul Fortress at their disposal. At 12.00, the revolutionaries presented General Khabalov with an ultimatum: to leave the Admiralty under the threat of artillery fire from the guns of the Peter and Paul Fortress. General Khabalov withdrew the remnants of government troops from the Main Admiralty building and transferred them to the Winter Palace. Soon the Winter Palace was occupied by troops sent by the Provisional Committee and the Executive Committee of the Petrograd Soviet. The remnants of government forces went over to the side of the rebels. The headquarters of the Petrograd Military District also fell. Generals Khabalov, Belyaev, Balk and others were arrested. Thus, on this day, about 400 thousand people from 899 enterprises and 127 thousand soldiers took part in the movement, and the uprising ended in the complete victory of the rebels.

New centers of power were finally formed. On the night of February 28, the Provisional Committee of the State Duma announced that it was taking power into its own hands, due to the termination of its activities by the government of N. D. Golitsyn. Chairman of the State Duma Rodzianko sent a corresponding telegram to the Chief of Staff of the Supreme Commander-in-Chief, General Alekseev, commanders of the fronts and fleets: “The Temporary Committee of Members of the State Duma informs Your Excellency that due to the removal of the entire staff from the administration former Council Ministerial government power has now transferred to the Temporary Committee of the State Duma.” During the day, the Provisional Committee appointed General L.G. Kornilov to the post of commander of the troops of the Petrograd District and sent its commissars to all ministries.

At the same time, a second center of power was formed - the Petrograd Soviet. On February 27, the Executive Committee of the Petrograd Soviet distributed leaflets to factories and military units calling for them to elect their deputies and send them to the Tauride Palace. Already at 21.00, in the left wing of the Tauride Palace, the first meeting of the Petrograd Council of Workers' Deputies began, headed by the Menshevik N. S. Chkheidze, whose deputies were the Trudovik A. F. Kerensky and the Menshevik M. I. Skobelev. All three were State Duma deputies and Freemasons.

By five o'clock in the morning on February 28, the imperial trains left Mogilev. The trains had to cover about 950 miles along the route Mogilev - Orsha - Vyazma - Likhoslavl - Tosno - Gatchina - Tsarskoe Selo. But they didn't arrive there. By the morning of March 1, letter trains were able to reach through Bologoe only to Malaya Vishera, where they were forced to turn around and go back to Bologoe, from where only by the evening of March 1 they arrived in Pskov, where the headquarters of the Northern Front was located. With his departure, the Supreme Commander-in-Chief found himself virtually cut off from his Headquarters for forty hours, since telegraph communication was intermittent and delayed.

In the current situation, the mood of the tsarist generals, their readiness to support the tsar and suppress the uprising in the capital, is increasingly coming to the fore. And also the willingness of the tsar himself to fight to the end and decide on the most severe measures, right up to the outbreak of a civil war (it was already inevitable, with the separation of the national outskirts, a peasant war and the most severe class struggle).

However, the top generals participated in the conspiracy. The headquarters of the armies of the Northern Front under the command of General Nikolai Ruzsky was located in Pskov, and the Tsar hoped for its protection. However, even here the autocrat expected a heavy blow - as it turned out, Ruzsky was a secret opponent of the monarchy and did not like Nicholas II personally. When the royal train arrived, the general defiantly did not organize the usual welcoming ceremony; he arrived on the platform late, advising him to “surrender to the mercy of the winner.”

Headquarters Chief of Staff Mikhail Alekseev was also inclined to support the Februaryists. Even before the February uprising, he was “treated” accordingly and persuaded to support the conspiracy. Historian G. M. Katkov wrote: “It was impossible to avoid official contacts between the commanders-in-chief of the fronts and the leaders public organizations, whose functions were to help the army, care for the wounded and sick, and in the increasingly complex and expanding organization of the supply of food, clothing, fodder and even ammunition. Leaders of public organizations ... were quick to use official contacts to constantly complain about the inertia of government agencies and to exacerbate problems that were already complicating relations between commanders-in-chief and ministries. Guchkov himself and his deputy Konovalov processed Alekseev at Headquarters, and Tereshchenko, the head of the Kyiv military-industrial committee, made every effort to influence Brusilov, the commander-in-chief of the Southwestern Front, in the same spirit.” Katkov noted that the position taken by General Alekseev both during this period and during February events, can be qualified as two-faced, ambivalent, insincere, although the general tried to avoid direct participation in the conspiracy.

According to the historian G. M. Katkov, “on the evening of February 28, Alekseev ceased to be an obedient executor in relation to the tsar and took on the role of a mediator between the monarch and his rebellious parliament. Only Rodzianko, having created the false impression that Petrograd was under his complete control, could cause such a change in Alekseev” (G. M. Katkov. February Revolution).

As one of the most active conspirators, Chairman of the Central Military-Industrial Committee A.I. Guchkov, stated shortly before his death in exile, who from February to August 1916 privately sent General Alekseev “his bitter observations and advice” regarding the unsatisfactory work of the rear, Alekseev “...was so aware [that there may be well-known plans in certain circles] that he became an indirect participant.” An indirect fact that Alekseev supported the Februaryists and the transfer of power to the liberal-bourgeois government is the fact that, when the Bolsheviks took power, with the support of the then political and financial-economic elite of Russia, he became one of the founders White movement. The Februaryists, having lost power in October 1917, started a civil war in an attempt to return Russia to the past.

At a time when the Headquarters and the high command should have acted in the most decisive manner to suppress the uprising, they were playing for time. If at first Alekseev quite accurately covered the situation in the capital before the commanders-in-chief of the fronts, then from February 28 he began to indicate that events in Petrograd had calmed down, that the troops, “joining the Provisional Government in in full force, are being put in order,” that the Provisional Government “under the chairmanship of Rodzianka” speaks “of the need for new grounds for choosing and appointing a government.” What will the negotiations lead to? common world and will avoid bloodshed, which new government in Petrograd is filled with good will and is ready to contribute with renewed energy to the war effort. Thus, everything was done to suspend any decisive actions to suppress the uprising by armed forces, to prevent General Ivanov from forming a strike force to suppress the uprising.

In turn, the leaders of the Februaryists, Rodzianko, were keenly interested in stopping the expeditionary forces of General Ivanov, which they considered much more numerous and powerful than they actually were. The Provisional Committee created the illusion that it was in complete control of Petrograd.

On the same day, the Provisional Government took shape. At an extended meeting of the Provisional Committee of the Duma with the participation of the Central Committee of the Cadet Party, the Bureau of the “Progressive Bloc” of State Duma deputies, as well as representatives of the Petrograd Soviet, the composition of the Cabinet of Ministers was agreed upon, the formation of which was announced the next day. The first chairman of the Provisional Government was a freemason high level Prince Georgy Lvov, previously known as a cadet, and then a progressive, State Duma deputy and prominent figure in the Russian zemstvo. It was assumed that the Provisional Government would provide governance of Russia until the elections to the Constituent Assembly, at which democratically elected delegates would decide what the new form government system countries.

Accepted and political program of 8 points: complete and immediate amnesty for all political and religious matters, including terrorist attacks, military uprisings; democratic freedoms for all citizens; abolition of all class, religious and national restrictions; preparation for elections to the Constituent Assembly and local self-government bodies on the basis of universal, equal, direct and secret suffrage; replacing the police with a people's militia with elected leadership; the troops who took part in the revolutionary uprising in Petrograd remained in the capital and retained their weapons; soldiers received all public rights.

The Petrograd Soviet formally recognized the power of the Provisional Government (only the Bolsheviks who were part of it objected). But in fact, he himself issued decrees and orders without the consent of the Provisional Government, which increased chaos and disorder in the country. Thus, the so-called “order No. 1” was issued on March 1 (14) for the Petrograd garrison, which legitimized soldiers’ committees and placed all weapons at their disposal, and officers were deprived of disciplinary power over soldiers. With the adoption of the order, the fundamental principle of unity of command for any army was violated, as a result of which a landslide decline in discipline and combat effectiveness began, and then the complete collapse of the entire army.

IN modern Russia, where part of the “elite” and the public” enthusiastically creates the myth of the “crunch of French bread” - an almost ideal device “ old Russia"(from which follows the idea of ​​​​the need to restore the then order in the Russian Federation), it is generally accepted that the massacres of officers began under the Bolsheviks. However, this is not true. Lynchings of officers began during the February coup. So, when on February 26 the rebels captured the Arsenal, where the famous designer was killed artillery systems Major General Nikolai Zabudsky.

On March 1 (14), the killings became widespread. On this day, the first victim was the watch lieutenant Gennady Bubnov, who refused to change the St. Andrew's flag to the revolutionary red one on the battleship "Andrei Pervozvanny" - he was "raised at bayonets." When Admiral Arkady Nebolsin, who commanded a brigade of battleships in Helsingfors (modern Helsinki), climbed onto the ladder of the battleship, the sailors shot him, and then five more officers. In Kronstadt, also on March 1 (March 14), Admiral Robert Viren was bayoneted in the main square and Rear Admiral Alexander Butakov was shot. On March 4 (17), in Helsingfors, the commander of the Baltic Fleet, Admiral Adrian Nepenin, was shot dead, who personally supported the Provisional Government, but negotiated with it secretly from the elected committees of sailors, which aroused their suspicions. Nepenin was also remembered for his rude disposition and inattention to the sailors’ requests to improve their lives.

It is worth noting that from that moment on and after the Bolsheviks established their order there, Kronstadt became an independent “republic”. In fact, Kronstadt was a kind of Zaporozhye Sich with sailor anarchist freemen instead of the “independence” Cossacks. And Kronstadt will finally be “calmed down” only in 1921.

Then the commandant of the Sveaborg fortress, Lieutenant General of the Navy V. N. Protopopov, the commanders of the 1st and 2nd Kronstadt naval crews N. Stronsky and A. Girs, the commander of the battleship "Emperor Alexander II", captain 1st rank N. Povalishin, were killed , commander of the cruiser "Aurora", captain 1st rank M. Nikolsky and many other naval and land officers. By March 15, the Baltic Fleet had lost 120 officers. In Kronstadt, in addition, at least 12 officers of the ground garrison were killed. Several officers committed suicide or went missing. Hundreds of officers were attacked or arrested. For example, for comparison: all Russian fleets and flotillas have lost 245 officers since the beginning of the First World War. Gradually, rampant violence began to penetrate into the provinces.

To be continued…

I have written and spoken more than once about the fact that Emperor Nikolai Alexandrovich Romanov did not abdicate the throne. There are no documents entitled “The Abdication of Nicholas II” in the archives of Russia. What is there?
There is something very reminiscent of a fake and fake. On this topic - material blogger patriotka

“The Tsarist period of our history has been slandered no less than the Soviet period. Recently I posted information about the reign of Nicholas II. As we can see, people under tsarist rule did not live at all the way they imagine it to us. The same thing applies to the “abdication” of the king from the throne. I bring to your attention a detailed analysis that proves that it actually did not exist. This fact immediately changes the idea of ​​Nicholas II as a traitor and a rag. This man remained faithful to Russia to the end and accepted martyrdom for her sake.

Andrey Razumov. Emperor's signature

A few comments on the “Manifesto on the abdication of Nicholas II”

The official version of the abdication is spelled out in detail. Numerous memoirs of eyewitnesses, the smoke of newspaper reports and the meager lines of the Emperor’s diary - fragments of a mosaic formed the overall picture; the testimony of the Duma conspirators was intertwined in a bizarre pattern with the testimony of the Suite conspirators. According to their generalized version, on February 28, the Tsar left Headquarters for Tsarskoe Selo, but was stopped on his way by reports of unrest in Lyuban and Tosno. Having turned the trains around, the Emperor ordered them to bypass the rioting section through the station. Dno and Pskov to Tsarskoe. But in Pskov, Nicholas II was given telegrams from the commanders with pleas for renunciation, after which the Tsar renounced, signing two corresponding manifestos.

This is the official version. The ends of the intrigue are hidden securely, the facts of betrayal are carefully obscured. It’s as if there was no perjury at all - after all, the Emperor himself abdicated.

However, the fact of the conspiracy is not particularly hidden even by its participants. But what was the conspiracy, if there is a signed renunciation, if power, voluntarily or forced, but OWNLY was transferred to the conspirators? I will try to find an answer to this question.

Unfortunately, one cannot count on the help of people faithful to the Tsar - among the eyewitnesses around Him there were no faithful to the Tsar. “There is treason and cowardice and deceit all around!” It's nothing. We will be helped by “eyewitnesses” of a different kind, who were silent for a long time among the people who lied to us, and who brought to us their secrets and betrayals. These are sheets of copies of the “renunciation” that have turned yellow in the archives.

Let's take a closer look at these papers. A leisurely analysis of them will tell an inquisitive person a lot. For example, all researchers are struck by the fact that the Sovereign’s signatures were made in pencil. Surprised historians write that during the 23 years of his reign, this was the only time the Emperor put a pencil signature on a document. Fully sharing their surprise, let us step a little further and check the authenticity of the signatures of the Tsar and Fredericks, evaluate the structure of the text of the “renunciation” and identify its authors, count the letters in the text and clarify the number of known copies of the “renunciations”.

Who composed the Tsar’s “renunciation”?
The Emperor himself. So, at least, it follows from the testimony. According to them, the Emperor was offered “outlines” of renunciations, which He did not use.

This is exactly what eyewitness Shulgin writes: “The Emperor answered. After the excited words of A.I. (Guchkova - R.) His voice sounded calm, simple and precise. Only the accent was a little foreign - guards: - I decided to abdicate the throne... The Emperor stood up... Everyone stood up... Guchkov handed the Emperor a “sketch” (abdication - R.). The Emperor took it and left. After some time, the Emperor entered again. He handed Guchkov the paper, saying: “Here is the text... It was two or three quarters - the kind that were obviously used at Headquarters for telegraph forms.” But the text was written on a typewriter. The text was written in those amazing words that everyone now knows... How pitiful the sketch we brought seemed to me. The Emperor brought it too and put it on the table. There was nothing to add to the text of the renunciation...” Shulgin V.V. "Days". (All ellipses are the author’s. R.)

Another witness echoes him: “The description of the meeting of Guchkov and Shulgin with the Emperor on March 2, made by Shulgin, shortly after the deputies returned to Petrograd, was compiled quite correctly.” (Gen. D.N. DUBENSKY. “How the revolution took place in Russia.”)

The third witness, Colonel Mordvinov, although he refused, in his own words, to participate in the meeting of the Tsar with the Duma members, for some reason also began to ardently assure us of the veracity of Shulgin’s story: “Shulgin’s story, published in newspapers, which I subsequently read, is a lot resumed in my memory. With a few exceptions (Shulgin is silent about the certificate in the basic laws), he is generally correct and truthfully paints a picture of the reception of members of the Duma.” (Col. A. A. MORDVINOV. “The Last Days of the Emperor.”)

Let's take his word for it. It’s my own fault - they didn’t pull their tongue.

Let me summarize. Thus, the Emperor, according to the testimony of three witnesses, having familiarized himself with the “outline” of the renunciation kindly prepared for Him by Guchkov and Shulgin, rejected it as “pathetic” and, going out somewhere, composed his own version. Who typed with his own hand or dictated to an unknown typist “in those amazing words that everyone now knows.” Then he went out and signed. That's what the witnesses say.

Now let's look at the documents.

Telegram from Adjutant General Alekseev to the Tsar, No. 1865, dated March 1, 1917. According to the Soviet historian Shchegolev, reported to Nicholas II by General Ruzsky on March 1/14 in Pskov at 11 p.m.

“To His Imperial Majesty. The ever-growing danger of the spread of anarchy throughout the country, the further disintegration of the army and the impossibility of continuing the war in the current situation urgently requires the immediate issuance of the highest act that can still calm minds, which is only possible by recognizing the responsible ministry and entrusting its drafting to the Chairman of the State Duma.
Incoming information gives reason to hope that the Duma leaders, led by Rodzianko, can still stop the general collapse and that work can begin with them, but the loss of every hour reduces the last chances of preserving and restoring order and contributes to the seizure of power by extreme left-wing elements. In view of this, I earnestly beg your Imperial Majesty to deign to immediately publish the following manifesto from headquarters:
“We announce to all our faithful subjects: Grozny and the cruel enemy is straining his last strength to fight our homeland. The decisive hour is near. The fate of Russia, the honor of our heroic army, the well-being of the people, the entire future of our dear fatherland requires bringing the war to a victorious end at all costs. Striving harder rally all the people's forces to achieve victory as quickly as possible , I recognized the need to hold accountable representatives of the people ministry, entrusting its formation to the Chairman of the State Duma, Rodzianko, from persons enjoying the confidence of all of Russia. I hope that everything faithful sons of Russia, closely united around the throne and popular representation, together they will help the valiant army complete its great feat., in order to demonstrate again that Russia is as indestructible as always, and that no machinations of enemies will defeat it. May God help us." 1865. Adjutant General Alekseev. March 1, 1917"

Let us compare the text of Alekseev’s telegram, reported to the Tsar on the first of March, and the text of the “renunciation”, independently invented by the Tsar on the second of March. I have highlighted the matches between the two texts in red.

Headquarters for the Chief of Staff. During the days of the great struggle with an external enemy, who had been striving to enslave our Motherland for almost three years, the Lord God was pleased to send Russia a new ordeal. The outbreak of internal popular unrest threatens to have a disastrous effect on the further conduct of the stubborn war. The fate of Russia, the honor of our heroic army, the good of the people, the entire future of our dear Fatherland demand that the war be brought to a victorious end at all costs. The cruel enemy is straining his last strength, and already the hour is near when our valiant army, together with our glorious allies, will be able to finally crush the enemy. In these decisive days in the life of Russia, we considered it a duty of conscience to make it easier for our people close unity and rallying of all people's forces to achieve victory as quickly as possible and in agreement with State Duma We recognized it as good to renounce the throne of the Russian state and lay down supreme power. Not wanting to part with our beloved son, we pass on our legacy to our brother Grand Duke Mikhail Alexandrovich and bless him to ascend the throne of the Russian state. We command our brother to rule over state affairs in complete and inviolable unity with the representatives of the people in legislative institutions on those principles that will be established by them, taking an inviolable oath to that effect. In the name of our beloved Motherland, we call on all the faithful sons of the Fatherland to fulfill their holy duty to him by obedience to the Tsar in difficult times of national trials and to help him along with , I recognized the need to hold accountable lead the Russian state onto the path of victory, prosperity and glory. May the Lord God help Russia. Nikolai.

I can imagine how, not having found his own words for such an insignificant document - the abdication of the Throne - the Emperor selectively, but painstakingly, slightly changing other people's letters, words and expressions, carefully rewrote the text of Alekseev's telegram. Oh yes, I almost forgot. Reprints, of course. Although, perhaps, not himself either. We should have covered our tracks more carefully, gentlemen, conspirators. Such telegrams immediately sting. And telegraph operators are hanged. But who then composed the text of the “renunciation”?

The Autocrat All-Russian Sovereign Emperor Nicholas II never composed a renunciation, did not write it by hand and did not sign it. The document was also not certified by Fredericks. Thus, the Sovereign has nothing to do with his own renunciation.

Facsimile of "renunciations":
Lomonosov's copy. New York, 1919.

Shchegolev's copy. Leningrad, 1927.
http://publ.lib.ru/ARCHIVES/SCH/SCHEGOLEV_Pavel_Eliseevich/_Schegolev_P._E...html#01">http://www.hist.msu.ru/ER/Etext/nik2.gi fhttp:// publ.lib.ru/ARCHIVES/SCH/SCHEGOL EV_Pavel_Eliseevich/_Schegolev_P._E...htm l#01 Copy of the Russian Civil Aviation, 2007.
http://www.rusarchives.ru/evants/exhibi tions/1917-myths-kat/34.shtml "

© “Ekaterinburg Initiative”, Academy Russian history. 2008