After Alexander 3 he ascended the throne. Alexander III

120 years ago, on November 1, 1894 in Crimea, in Livadia, he died at the age of 49, Russian Emperor Alexander III, 13th Tsar of the Romanov family, father.

During the 13 years of the reign of Alexander III the Peacemaker, Russia did not participate in a single war; thanks to skillful public policy and diplomacy, the Russian Empire became a stronger and greater power than it was before his reign.

On the day of the death of Alexander III, Europe felt that it had lost an international arbiter who had always been guided by the idea of ​​justice.

The cause of death of Alexander III was chronic nephritis, which led to damage to the heart and blood vessels. According to experts, kidney disease arose after train accident, which hit the royal train at Borki station, 50 kilometers from Kharkov in the fall of 1888. During the train crash, the roof of the royal carriage collapsed, and Tsar Alexander III, saving his family, held the roof on his shoulders until help arrived.

Emperor Alexander III ascended the throne on March 14, 1881, after the assassination of his father Alexander II.

On April 29, 1881, the emperor signed "Manifesto on the Inviolability of Autocracy", which called on “all faithful subjects to serve faithfully to the eradication of vile sedition that disgraces the Russian land, - to the establishment of faith and morality, - to the good upbringing of children, - to the extermination of untruth and theft, - to the establishment of order and truth in the operation of all institutions "

In 1881, a peasant bank was established for issuing loans to peasants for the purchase of land, purchasing peasant plots.

1882 - 1884 - the tax system was changed: the poll tax for the poorest classes was abolished, the inheritance and interest taxes were abolished, and the taxation of trades was increased. Protection of workers: admission of minors to factory work and night work of adolescents and women is prohibited.

1881 - 82 - a commission was established to draft criminal and civil laws.
Measures have been taken to expand the benefits of the local nobility, in 1885 a noble land bank was established, providing long-term loans for noble landowners, the Ministry of Finance was entrusted with the creation land bank for all classes.

Public education. In 1884, the charter of a new university reform was adopted, which destroyed university self-government, students were not exempted from military service, and military gymnasiums were transformed into cadet corps.
The elementary school was transferred to the hands of the clergy and established. A circular was issued about “cook’s children”, limiting higher education for children from the lower strata of society.

The Emperor was a passionate collector and founded the Russian Museum. A rich collection of paintings, graphics, objects of decorative and applied art, sculptures collected by Alexander III was transferred to the Russian Museum.

From 1881 – 1895 the share of customs duties on imported goods increased from 19% to 31%, thus, Russian commodity producers were protected from imported goods. The course has been set for the industrialization of Russia, for the creation of its own industry - this is not only an economic, but also a fundamental political task, constituting the main direction in the system of internal patronage.

The deficits of the Russian state budget gave way in 1881-87 to a tremendous excess of state revenues over expenses. The ruble has become gold! The main source of government revenue was indirect taxes, and taxation items were increased (new taxes on gasoline, kerosene, matches). In 1881, a housing tax was introduced in Russia and Tax rates have been increased - excise taxes on alcohol, tobacco and sugar have been raised.

Emperor Alexander III loved Georgian, and, and knew a lot about them. During the reign of Alexander III, expensive foreign wines were forced out of the domestic market Russian Empire domestic wines. Crimean winemaking received good markets, high-quality wines were presented at world wine exhibitions.

During the reign of Alexander III, the Russian Empire became a strong naval power. The Russian fleet took 3rd place in the world after England and France. 114 new military vessels were launched, including 17 battleships and 10 armored cruisers, the total displacement of the Russian fleet reached 300 thousand tons.

Emperor Alexander III uttered his famous phrase “Russia has only two true allies - the army and the navy.” Over the past 100 years, the situation with loyal allies Russia has not changed at all.

Main directions foreign policy Alexander III were:
1. Strengthening influence in the Balkans. As a result Russian-Turkish war of 1877-1878 Bulgaria was liberated in 1879 from 500 years of Turkish rule.

2. Search for reliable allies. In 1881, German Chancellor Bismarck signed the secret Austro-Russian-German treaty “The Alliance of the Three Emperors”, which provided for the neutrality of each side in the event that one of the countries found itself in a war with the 4th side. In 1882, secretly from Russia, Bismarck concluded a “triple alliance” - Germany, Austria-Hungary, Italy against Russia and France, which provided for the provision of military assistance each other in case of hostilities with Russia or France. In 1887, the Russian-German “customs war”: Germany did not provide a loan to Russia and increased duties on Russian grain and created advantages for the import of American grain into Germany. Russia responded by increasing duties on imported German goods: iron, coal, ammonia, steel.

3. Support peaceful relations with all countries. Secret alliance of France and Russia. France in the 1980s saw Russia as its protector from Germany and its savior. A grand parade in honor of the first visit of Alexander III to France, a ceremonial reception of the Russian squadron in Toulon, and a return visit of the French squadron to Kronstadt in the summer of 1891.

4. Establishment of borders in the south of Central Asia, after the annexation of Kazakhstan, the Kokand Khanate, the Bukhara Emirate, and the Khiva Khanate. During the reign of Alexander III, the territory of the Russian Empire increased by 430,000 square meters. km.

5. Consolidation of Russia in new territories of the Far East. In 1891, Russia began construction of the “Great Siberian Railway” - 7 thousand km. railway line Chelyabinsk - Omsk - Irkutsk - Khabarovsk - Vladivostok.

For maintaining European peace, Alexander III was called the Peacemaker. During the reign of Alexander III Russia did not wage a single war, and “the Russian nation, under the just and peaceful authority of its emperor, enjoyed security, this highest good of society and an instrument of true greatness”

Alexander 3 is a Russian emperor who ascended the throne after the assassination of his father by terrorists in 1881, and ruled until his death in 1894. Unlike his predecessor, the tsar adhered to conservative and nationalist views in politics. After the start of his reign, he almost immediately began to carry out counter-reforms. He paid a lot of attention to the development and modernization of the Russian army, but during his reign the country did not take part in wars. For this, the emperor was nicknamed the peacemaker after his death. He was a decent family man, an extremely religious and hardworking person.

In this article we will tell you more about the biography, politics and personal life of the penultimate Russian Tsar.

Birth and early years

It is noteworthy that initially future emperor Alexander 3 should not have inherited the throne. His destiny was not to govern the state, so they prepared him for another task. His father Alexander II already had an eldest son, Tsarevich Nicholas, who grew up as a healthy and intelligent child. It was assumed that he would become king. Alexander himself was only the second son in the family; he was born 2 years later than Nicholas - on February 26, 1845. Therefore, according to tradition, he early childhood prepared for military service. Already at the age of seven he received his first officer rank. At the age of 17 he was rightfully included in the Emperor's Retinue.

Like other great princes from the House of Romanov, Alexander 3 received a traditional military engineering education. His training was carried out by Professor Chivilev, who worked at Moscow University and was, according to his education, a historian and economist. At the same time, contemporaries recalled that the little Grand Duke was not distinguished by his thirst for knowledge and could be lazy. His parents did not force him too much, thinking that his older brother would take the throne.

Alexander's appearance was outstanding for members of the imperial family. WITH early years he was distinguished by good health, a dense physique and tall- 193 cm. The young prince loved art, was fond of painting, and took lessons in playing wind instruments.

Alexander - heir to the throne

Unexpectedly for everyone, Tsarevich Nicholas felt unwell during a trip to Europe. He was treated in Italy for several months, but his health only worsened. In April 1865, Nikolai died of tuberculous meningitis, he was 21 years old. Alexander, who had always had an excellent relationship with his older brother, was shocked and depressed by the event. He not only lost a close friend, but now had to inherit the throne after his father. He came to Italy with Nicholas's fiancée, Princess Dagmara from Denmark. They found the crown prince already dying.

Future king Alexander 3 was not trained in government. Therefore, he urgently needed to master several disciplines at once. In a short time he completed a course in history, as well as law. It was taught to him by the lawyer K. Pobedonostsev, who was a supporter of conservatism. He was appointed mentor to the newly-minted crown prince.

According to tradition, the future Alexander 3, as heir, traveled around Russia. Subsequently, his father began to involve him in public administration. The Tsarevich was also promoted to major general, and in 1877-78 he commanded his detachment during the Russian-Turkish War.

Marriage to a Danish princess

Initially, Alexander II planned to marry his eldest son and heir Nicholas to the Danish princess Dagmar. During his trip to Europe, he made a special trip to Denmark, where he asked for her hand in marriage. They were engaged there, but did not have time to get married, since the Tsarevich died a few months later. The death of his elder brother brought the future Emperor Alexander 3 closer to the princess. For several days they looked after the dying Nikolai and became friends.

However, at that time, Alexander was deeply in love with Princess Maria Meshcherskaya, who was a maid of honor at the imperial court. They met secretly for several years, and the Tsarevich even wanted to give up the throne in order to marry her. This sparked a major quarrel with his father Alexander II, who insisted that he go to Denmark.

In Copenhagen, he proposed to the princess, and she accepted. Their engagement took place in June and their wedding in October 1866. The newly-made wife of Alexander 3 converted to Orthodoxy before the wedding and received a new name - Maria Fedorovna. After the wedding, which took place in the Great Church, located on the territory of the emperor’s residence, the couple spent some time in the Anichkov Palace.

Assassination of father and accession to the throne

Tsar Alexander 3 ascended the throne on March 2, 1881 after the sudden death of his father, who was killed by terrorists. They had made attempts on the emperor’s life before, but they were unsuccessful. This time the explosion turned out to be fatal, and the sovereign died on the same day, a few hours later. The event greatly shocked the public and the heir himself, who seriously feared for his family and his own life. And for good reason, because during the first years of his reign, revolutionaries continued to carry out assassination attempts on the tsar and his associates.

The deceased Emperor Alexander II was distinguished by his liberal views. It is known that on the day of his murder he planned to approve the first constitution in Russia, developed by Count Loris-Melikov, but his heir did not support this idea. In the first days of his reign, he abandoned liberal reforms. The terrorists who participated in organizing the murder of his father were arrested and executed by order of the new king.

The coronation of Alexander 3 took place 2 years after his accession to the throne - in 1883. According to tradition, it was held in Moscow in the Assumption Cathedral.

Domestic policy of the new king

The newly-crowned tsar immediately abandoned the liberal reforms of his father, choosing the path of counter-reforms. Their ideologist was the tsar’s former mentor, Konstantin Pobedonostsev, who now held the position of Chief Prosecutor of the Holy Synod.

He was distinguished by extremely radical conservative views, which were supported by the emperor himself. In April 1881, Alexander signed a manifesto drawn up by his former mentor, which indicated that the tsar was moving away from the liberal course. After its release, most of the free-minded ministers were forced to resign.

The new government considered the reforms of Alexander II ineffective and even criminal. They believed that it was necessary to carry out counter-reforms that could eliminate the problems caused by liberal changes.

The domestic policy of Alexander 3 included a revision of many of his father's reforms. The changes affected the following reforms:

• peasant;
• judicial;
• educational;
• zemstvo

In the 1880s, the tsar began to provide support to landowners who began to become poor after the abolition of serfdom. In 1885, the Noble Bank was created, which subsidizes them. By decree of the tsar, restrictions are introduced on the land redistribution of peasant plots; it becomes increasingly difficult for them to independently leave the community. In 1895, the post of zemstvo chief was introduced for increased supervision over the common people.

In August 1881, a decree was issued allowing the authorities of regions and provinces, at their own discretion, to introduce in the region state of emergency. At this time, the police could expel suspicious persons without trial or investigation. They also had the right to close educational institutions, newspapers and magazines, as well as industrial enterprises.

During the counter-reforms, control over secondary schools was strengthened. The children of footmen, small shopkeepers and laundresses could no longer study in gymnasiums. In 1884, university autonomy was abolished. Tuition fees have increased significantly, so allowing higher education now few could. Primary schools were placed in the hands of the clergy. In 1882, censorship regulations were strengthened. Now the authorities were allowed to close any printed edition at our own discretion.

National politics

Emperor Alexander 3 (Romanov) was famous for his radical nationalist views. During his reign, persecution of Jews intensified. Immediately after the assassination of Alexander II, unrest began throughout the country among the people of this nation who lived beyond the Pale of Settlement. The newly-crowned emperor issued a decree on their eviction. The number of places for Jewish students at universities and gymnasiums was also reduced.

At the same time, an active policy of Russification of the population was pursued. By decree of the Tsar, instruction in Russian was introduced in Polish universities and schools. Russified inscriptions began to appear on the streets of Finnish and Baltic cities. The influence of the Orthodox Church also increased in the country. The number of periodicals was increased, producing huge circulations of religious literature. The years of the reign of Alexander 3 were marked by the construction of new Orthodox churches and monasteries. The emperor imposed restrictions on the rights of people of different religions and foreigners.

Economic development of the country during the reign of Alexander

The emperor's policy is characterized not only by a large number of counter-reforms, but also by the rapid development of industry during the years of his reign. The successes were especially outstanding in metallurgy. Russia was engaged in the production of iron and steel, and oil and coal were actively mined in the Urals. The pace of development was truly record-breaking. The government was engaged in supporting domestic industrialists. It introduced new customs tariffs and duties on imported goods.

At the beginning of Alexander's reign, Finance Minister Bunge also carried out a tax reform that abolished the poll tax. Instead, a rent payment was introduced, depending on the size of the home. Indirect taxation began to develop. Also, by decree of Bunge, excise taxes were introduced on certain goods: tobacco and vodka, sugar and oil.

At the initiative of the tsar, redemption payments for peasants were significantly reduced. According to tradition, during the years of his reign, commemorative coins of Alexander 3 were issued, dedicated to the coronation of the newly-crowned sovereign. His portrait was printed only on silver ruble and gold five-ruble copies. Now they are considered quite rare and valuable for numismatists.

Foreign policy

Emperor Alexander 3 after his death was called a peacemaker, since during his reign Russia did not enter into a single war. However, foreign policy in these years was quite dynamic. The growth of industry was largely supported by the active modernization of the army. By improving it, the emperor was able to reduce the number of soldiers and reduce the cost of their maintenance. As a rule, historians believe that the tsar’s policies during his reign contributed to the strengthening of Russia in the international arena and significantly increased its prestige.

In 1881, the emperor was able to agree on neutrality with Germany and Austria-Hungary, with whom they also entered into an agreement on the division of spheres of influence in the Balkans. He pointed out that Russia had the right to control their eastern part: Bulgaria, which gained independence after the 1879 war. However, by 1886 it had lost its influence on this country.

In 1887, Alexander personally turned to the German Kaiser and was able to convince him not to declare war on France. In Central Asia, the policy of annexing border lands continued. During the reign of the Tsar, the total area of ​​Russia increased by 430 thousand km². In 1891, construction began on a railway that was supposed to connect the European part of the country with the Far East.

Conclusion of an alliance with France

The conclusion of a friendly alliance with France is considered an important merit of Alexander 3. Russia at that time needed reliable support. For France, an alliance with another influential state was necessary in order to avoid war with Germany, which constantly laid claim to its part of the territories.

For a long time, relations between the two countries were cold. Republican France supported revolutionaries in Russia and contributed to their fight against the autocracy. However, Emperor Alexander managed to overcome such ideological differences. In 1887, France provided Russia with large cash loans. In 1891, their squadron of ships arrived in Kronstadt, where the emperor solemnly received the allied troops. In August of the same year, the official treaty of friendship between the two countries came into force. Already in 1892, France and Russia agreed to sign a military convention. The countries pledged to help each other if they were attacked by Germany, Italy or Austria-Hungary.

Family and children

Although the marriage between the spouses was concluded according to political agreements, according to the will of Romanov’s father, Alexander 3 was a decent family man. Even before the engagement, he completely ended his relationship with Princess Meshcherskaya. Throughout his marriage to Maria Fedorovna, he had no favorites or mistresses, which was a rarity among Russian emperors. He was a loving father, although he was strict and demanding. Maria Feodorovna bore him six children:

• Nicholas is the future last emperor of Russia.
• Alexander - the boy died of meningitis a year after birth.
• George - died in 1899 from tuberculosis.
• Ksenia - married the Grand Duke, and subsequently, after the revolution, she was able to leave Russia with her mother.
• Mikhail - was shot by the Bolsheviks in Perm in 1918.
• Olga left Russia after the revolution and married a military officer. Like her father, she was fond of painting and earned her living from it.

The emperor was very unpretentious in everyday life, distinguished by modesty and frugality. Contemporaries believed that aristocracy was alien to him. Often the king dressed in simple and even shabby clothes. After ascending the throne, he and his family settled in Gatchina. In St. Petersburg they lived in the Anichkov Palace, since the Winter Emperor did not like them. The emperor was engaged in collecting and was fond of painting. During his life, he collected so many works of art that they did not fit in the galleries of his palaces. After his death, Nicholas II transferred most of his father's collection to the Russian Museum.

The emperor had a remarkable appearance. He was distinguished by his great height and impressive physical strength. In his youth, he could easily bend coins with his hands or even break a horseshoe. However, the king's children did not inherit either his height or strength. It is noteworthy that the daughter of Nicholas II, Grand Duchess Maria, who was large and strong from birth, looked like her grandfather.

In the photo, Alexander 3 is vacationing with his family in Livadia in Crimea. The image was taken in May 1893.

1888 train crash

In October 1888, the emperor and his family were returning by train after a vacation to St. Petersburg. Suddenly, near Kharkov, the train suddenly crashed and went off the rails. More than 20 passengers were killed and more than 60 people were seriously injured. Together with his wife and children, Alexander 3 was in the restaurant at the time of the disaster. None of them were injured, although the roof of the carriage could have collapsed on them. The Emperor held her on his shoulders until his family and other victims emerged from the rubble. It was officially stated that the disaster occurred due to technical problems and faulty tracks, but some believed that it was a planned assassination attempt on members of the royal family.

Illness and death of the emperor

And although Emperor Alexander 3 was not directly injured during the disaster, very soon he began to complain about the deterioration of his health. He began to be bothered by frequent lower back pain. Qualified doctors conducted a thorough examination and came to the conclusion that the king began to develop severe kidney disease, which arose due to excessive stress on his back. The emperor's illness progressed quickly, and he felt increasingly unwell. In the winter of 1894, Alexander caught a bad cold and was never able to recover from the illness. In the fall, doctors diagnosed him with acute nephritis. The Tsar, who was not even 50 years old, died in November 1894 in the Livadia Palace in Crimea.

The years of the reign of Alexander 3 were assessed controversially by both contemporaries and historians. His counter-reforms were able to temporarily stop the revolutionary movement in Russia. In 1887, the last unsuccessful attempt on the Tsar's life took place. After this, until the beginning of the 20th century, there were no terrorist attacks in the country at all. However, the problems that worried the masses were never resolved. Some scientists believe that it was partly the conservative policy of the penultimate Russian tsar that subsequently led to the numerous crises of power that Emperor Nicholas II faced.

Who received the appropriate upbringing.

Childhood, education and upbringing

In May 1883, Alexander III proclaimed a course called “counter-reforms” in historical-materialist literature, and “adjustment of reforms” in liberal-historical literature. He expressed himself as follows.

In 1889, to strengthen supervision over the peasants, the positions of zemstvo chiefs with broad rights were introduced. They were appointed from local noble landowners. Clerks and small traders, as well as other low-income strata of the city, lost their right to vote. Judicial reform has undergone changes. In the new regulations on zemstvos of 1890, class-noble representation was strengthened. In 1882-1884. Many publications were closed, and the autonomy of universities was abolished. Primary schools were transferred to the church department - the Synod.

These events revealed the idea of ​​the “official nationality” of the times of Nicholas I - the slogan “Orthodoxy. Autocracy. The spirit of humility" was in tune with the slogans of a bygone era. New official ideologists K. P. Pobedonostsev (Chief Prosecutor of the Synod), M. N. Katkov (editor of the Moskovskie Vedomosti), Prince V. Meshchersky (publisher of the newspaper Citizen) omitted from the old formula “Orthodoxy, autocracy and the people” the word “people” as “dangerous”; they preached the humility of his spirit before the autocracy and the church. In practice, the new policy resulted in an attempt to strengthen the state by relying on the noble class traditionally loyal to the throne. Administrative measures were supported by economic support for landowners.

On October 20, 1894, in Crimea, 49-year-old Alexander III suddenly died of acute kidney inflammation. Nicholas II ascended the imperial throne.

In January 1895, at the first meeting of representatives of the nobles, the top of zemstvos, cities and Cossack troops with the new Tsar, Nicholas II declared his readiness to “protect the principles of autocracy as firmly and steadily as his father did.” During these years, representatives of the royal family, which by the beginning of the 20th century numbered up to 60 members, often intervened in government administration. Most of the Grand Dukes occupied important administrative and military posts. The Tsar's uncles, the brothers of Alexander III - Grand Dukes Vladimir, Alexei, Sergei and cousins ​​Nikolai Nikolaevich, Alexander Mikhailovich, had a particularly great influence on politics.

Domestic policy

His departure was a real escape. On the day he was supposed to leave, four imperial trains stood ready at four different stations in St. Petersburg, and while they were waiting, the emperor left with a train that was standing on a siding.

Nothing, not even the need for coronation, could force the tsar to leave the Gatchina palace - for two years he ruled uncrowned. Fear of “People's Will” and hesitation in choosing a political course determined this time for the emperor.

Economic poverty was accompanied by a delay in the mental and legal development of the mass of the population; education under Alexander III was once again put into blinders, from which it had escaped after the abolition of serfdom. Alexander III expressed the attitude of tsarism to education in a litter on a report that literacy was very low in the Tobolsk province: “And thank God!”

Alexander III encouraged unprecedented persecution of Jews in the 80s and 90s. They were evicted to the Pale of Settlement (20 thousand Jews were evicted from Moscow alone), a percentage rate was established for them in the middle and then higher educational institutions(within the Pale of Settlement - 10%, outside the Pale - 5, in capitals - 3%).

The new period in the history of Russia, which began with the reforms of the 1860s, ended by the end of the 19th century with counter-reforms. For thirteen years, Alexander III, in the words of G.V. Plekhanov, “sowed the wind.” His successor, Nicholas II, had to reap the storm.

For thirteen years Alexander III the wind sowed. Nicholas II will have to prevent the storm broke out. Will he succeed?

Professor S.S. Oldenburg in his scientific work on the history of the reign of Emperor Nicholas II, touching domestic policy his father, testified that during the reign of Emperor Alexander III, among others, the following main tendency of power appeared: the desire to give Russia more internal unity by asserting the primacy of the Russian elements of the country.

Foreign policy

The reign of Emperor Alexander III in foreign policy brought serious changes. The closeness with Germany and Prussia, so characteristic of the reigns of Catherine the Great, Alexander I, Nicholas I, Alexander II, gave way to a noticeable cooling, especially after the resignation of Bismarck, with whom Alexander III signed a special three-year Russian-German treaty on “benevolent neutrality” in in the event of an attack by any third country on Russia or Germany.

N.K. Girs became the head of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. Experienced diplomats of the Gorchakov school remained at the head of many departments of the ministry and in the Russian embassies of the leading countries of the world. The main directions of Alexander III's foreign policy were as follows.

1. Strengthening influence in the Balkans;
2. Search for reliable allies;
3. Supporting peaceful relations with all countries;
4. Establishing borders in the south of Central Asia;
5. Consolidation of Russia in new territories of the Far East.

Russian policy in the Balkans. After the Berlin Congress, Austria-Hungary significantly strengthened its influence in the Balkans. Having occupied Bosnia and Herzegovina, it began to seek to extend its influence to other Balkan countries. Austria-Hungary was supported in its aspirations by Germany. Austria-Hungary began to try to weaken Russia's influence in the Balkans. Bulgaria became the center of the struggle between Austria-Hungary and Russia.

By this time, an uprising against Turkish rule had broken out in Eastern Rumelia (Southern Bulgaria within Turkey). Turkish officials were expelled from Eastern Rumelia. The annexation of Eastern Rumelia to Bulgaria was announced.

The unification of Bulgaria caused an acute Balkan crisis. A war between Bulgaria and Turkey with the involvement of Russia and other countries could break out at any moment. Alexander III was angry. The unification of Bulgaria took place without the knowledge of Russia; this led to complications in Russia’s relations with Turkey and Austria-Hungary. Russia suffered heavy human losses in the Russian-Turkish war of 1877-1878. and was not ready for a new war. And Alexander III for the first time retreated from the traditions of solidarity with the Balkan peoples: he advocated strict compliance with the articles of the Berlin Treaty. Alexander III invited Bulgaria to solve its foreign policy problems on its own, recalled Russian officers and generals, and did not interfere in Bulgarian-Turkish affairs. Nevertheless, the Russian ambassador to Turkey announced to the Sultan that Russia would not allow a Turkish invasion of Eastern Rumelia.

In the Balkans, Russia has turned from Turkey’s adversary into its de facto ally. Russia's position was undermined in Bulgaria, as well as in Serbia and Romania. In 1886, diplomatic relations between Russia and Bulgaria were severed. In the city, Ferdinand I, Prince of Coburg, who had previously been an officer in the Austrian service, became the new Bulgarian prince. The new Bulgarian prince understood that he was a ruler Orthodox country. He tried to take into account the deep Russophile sentiments of the broad masses of the people and even chose the Russian Tsar Nicholas II as godfathers to his heir, son Boris, in 1894. But the former Austrian army officer was never able to overcome “a feeling of insurmountable antipathy and a certain fear” towards Russia. Russia's relations with Bulgaria remained strained.

Search for allies. At the same time in the 80s. Russia's relations with England are becoming more complicated. The clash of interests of two European states is taking place in the Balkans, Turkey, and Central Asia. At the same time, relations between Germany and France are becoming more complicated. Both states were on the brink of war with each other. In this situation, both Germany and France began to seek an alliance with Russia in case of war with each other. In the city, German Chancellor O. Bismarck proposed to Russia and Austria-Hungary to renew the “ Union of three emperors." The essence of this alliance was that the three states pledged to comply with the decisions of the Berlin Congress, not to change the situation in the Balkans without each other’s consent, and to maintain neutrality towards each other in case of war. It should be noted that the effectiveness of this union for Russia was insignificant. At the same time, O. Bismarck, secretly from Russia, concluded the Triple Alliance (Germany, Austria-Hungary, Italy) against Russia and France, which provided for the participating countries to provide military assistance to each other in the event of hostilities with Russia or France. The conclusion of the Triple Alliance did not remain a secret for Alexander III. The Russian Tsar began to look for other allies.

Far Eastern direction. At the end of the 19th century. on Far East Japan's expansion rapidly increased. Japan until the 60s XIX century was a feudal country, but in - gg. happened there bourgeois revolution, and the Japanese economy began to develop dynamically. With the help of Germany, Japan created a modern army, and with the help of England and the United States, it actively built its fleet. At the same time, Japan pursued an aggressive policy in the Far East.

Privacy

The main residence of the emperor (due to the threat of terrorism) became Gatchina. He lived for a long time in Peterhof and Tsarskoe Selo, and when he came to St. Petersburg, he stayed in the Anichkov Palace. He didn't like winter.

Court etiquette and ceremony became much simpler under Alexander. He greatly reduced the staff of the Ministry of the Court, reduced the number of servants and introduced strict control over the expenditure of money. Expensive foreign wines were replaced by Crimean and Caucasian ones, and the number of balls was limited to four per year.

At the same time, huge amounts of money were spent on purchasing art objects. The emperor was a passionate collector, second only to Catherine II in this regard. Gatchina Castle literally turned into a warehouse of priceless treasures. Alexander's acquisitions - paintings, art objects, carpets and the like - no longer fit in the galleries of the Winter Palace, Anichkov Palace and other palaces. However, in this hobby the emperor did not show either subtle taste or great understanding. Among his acquisitions were many ordinary things, but there were also many masterpieces that later became genuine. national treasure Russia.

Unlike all his predecessors on the Russian throne, Alexander adhered to strict family morality. He was an exemplary family man - loving husband and a good father, never had mistresses or affairs on the side. At the same time, he was also one of the most pious Russian sovereigns. Alexander's simple and direct soul knew neither religious doubts, nor religious pretense, nor the temptations of mysticism. He firmly adhered to the Orthodox canons, always stood through the service to the end, prayed earnestly and enjoyed church singing. The Emperor willingly donated to monasteries, to the construction of new churches and the restoration of ancient ones. Under him, church life noticeably revived.

Alexander's hobbies were also simple and artless. He was passionate about hunting and fishing. Often in the summer the royal family went to the Finnish skerries. Here, among picturesque semi-wild nature, in the labyrinths of numerous islands and canals, freed from palace etiquette, the august family felt like an ordinary and happy family, devoting most of their time to long walks, fishing and boating. The emperor's favorite hunting spot was Belovezhskaya Pushcha. Sometimes the imperial family, instead of relaxing in the skerries, went to Poland to the Principality of Lović, and there they enthusiastically indulged in hunting pleasures, especially deer hunting, and most often ended their vacation with a trip to Denmark, to Bernstorff Castle - the ancestral castle of the Dagmars, where they often gathered from all over Europe her crowned relatives.

During the summer holidays, ministers could distract the emperor only in emergency cases. True, throughout the rest of the year, Alexander devoted himself entirely to business. He was a very hardworking sovereign. Every morning I got up at 7 o’clock, washed my face with cold water, made myself a cup of coffee and sat down at my desk. Often the working day ended late at night.

Death

Train crash with royal family th

And yet, despite a relatively healthy lifestyle, Alexander died quite young, not reaching the age of 50, completely unexpectedly for both his relatives and his subjects. In October, a royal train coming from the south crashed at Borki station, 50 kilometers from Kharkov. Seven carriages were smashed to pieces, there were many casualties, but the royal family remained intact. At that moment they were eating pudding in the dining car. During the crash, the roof of the carriage collapsed. With incredible efforts, Alexander held her on his shoulders until help arrived.

However, soon after this incident, the emperor began to complain of lower back pain. Professor Trube, who examined Alexander, came to the conclusion that the terrible concussion from the fall marked the beginning of kidney disease. The disease progressed steadily. The Emperor increasingly felt unwell. His complexion became sallow, his appetite disappeared, and his heart was not working well. In winter he caught a cold, and in September, while hunting in Belovezhye, he felt completely bad. Berlin professor Leiden, who urgently arrived on call to

After the assassination of Alexander II on March 1, 1881, his son, Alexander III, ascended the Russian throne, with whose name both contemporaries and later researchers associate the onset of political reaction “under the guise of nationality and Orthodoxy.”

Grand Duke Alexander Alexandrovich Romanov was the second of the six sons of Alexander II (Nicholas, Alexander, Vladimir, Alexei, Sergei and Pavel). He was born in 1845 and was not the heir to the throne. “Alexander III was not at all prepared to be emperor...,” we read in the memoirs of S. Yu. Witte, “one might say that he was somewhat in the pen: no special attention was paid to either his education or his upbringing.” The heir was Nikolai.

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The future Russian emperor, judging by the reviews of his teachers, personal diaries, did not have a wide range of interests. And although the history course was taught to him by S. M. Solovyov, law by K. P. Pobedonostsev, strategy by General M. I. Dragomirov, success in the sciences was small, military talents were absent. According to the memoirs of teacher Gogel, Alexander “was always lazy" and began to study only after becoming an heir. This attempt to complete his education was carried out by him under the leadership of Pobedonostsev. From the reports of teachers Zinoviev and Gogel, we learn that the boy was distinguished by perseverance and diligence in penmanship in front-line studies.

The diaries that Alexander III kept in different years of his life do not reflect the intellectual needs of the author. They recorded facts, opinions, experiences, attitudes towards certain events. Data about the weather, guests, and daily routine are diligently reported. The emperor’s notes in the memorial books that he kept from the moment he ascended the throne are of the same nature. From these records one can only learn about when the emperor got up, went to bed, what the success of the hunt was, etc.

At an early age he was extremely shy, which caused him to be somewhat harsh and angular. In the family Sasha was called "bulldog". And in his mature years, Alexander III “was not handsome, in his manners he was rather... bear-like; he was very tall, and for all his build he was not particularly strong or muscular, but rather was somewhat thick and fat.” This is how S. Yu. Witte, who was the Minister of Finance under Alexander III, saw him. The American historian Robert Massey, in his book “Nicholas and Alexandra,” emphasizes the Tsar’s terrible physical strength: “He could bend an iron poker or a silver ruble.”

The emperor, unlike his predecessors, was a good family man. After the death of his elder brother, Tsarevich Nicholas, in 1865, he inherited not only the throne, but also his bride, the Danish princess Dagmara (after accepting Orthodoxy, she received the name Maria Feodorovna). Alexander III loved his wife and remained faithful to her. After the wedding, the couple settled in the Anichkov Palace. The children followed one after another: Nikolai, Georgy, Mikhail, Ksenia, Olga. “The birth of children is the most joyful moment of life, and it is impossible to describe it, because it is a completely special feeling that is unlike any other,” Alexander shared with Pobedonostsev8. He was always affectionate with his children. But he especially loved his son Misha and allowed him to make fun of himself. In the memoirs of one of his contemporaries, close to the court, we find the following episode. Alexander III was with his family in the village of Ilinskoye visiting his brother Sergei. “The adults were sitting on the terrace covered with flowers, and Misha was digging below, in the sand. Taking a watering can with water, Alexander III shouted: “Come on, Misha, get here!” Misha stood under the terrace, and his father poured some on his head water. Everyone laughed... and were about to send the boy to change clothes, when he demanded that his father take his place... Alexander left the terrace, and Misha... sent all its (watering can. - V.K.) contents to the water. the king’s bald head shining in the sun!”

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The family morality inherent in the emperor himself gave him the right to demand worthy behavior from his household. Often the reason for the royal disgrace and removal from the court was the adultery of the grand dukes and princesses. “Emperor Alexander III was truly the head of the royal family,” Witte believes, “he kept everyone ... in the appropriate position, everyone not only revered and respected him, but was also extremely afraid of him.”

In everyday life, Alexander III was simple and modest. According to Witte, during the emperor’s trip along the South-Western Railway, Sergei Yulievich constantly had to see how Alexander III’s valet Kotov darned the tsar’s torn pants.

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As an heir, Alexander loved to drink. It came to real binges, from which he was subsequently cured by S.P. Botkin. But the addiction remains. Together with his drinking companion, the head of his security, General P. A. Cherevin, Alexander drank quietly and had fun in a very unique way. “He lies on his back on the floor and dangles his arms and legs,” said Cherevin. “And whoever walks by among the men, especially children, tries to catch him by the leg and throw him down. Only from this sign did they guess that he was tipsy.” When Alexander III fell ill with kidney disease in the late 1980s and was strictly forbidden to drink, the Empress vigilantly ensured that her husband did not violate the ban. However, this was not always possible. To deceive the Empress, it was carried out complex operation. Boots were ordered with special tops to accommodate a flask of cognac. “The queen is next to us, we sit quietly, play like good little girls. She moved away - we look at each other - one, two, three! - we pull out the flasks, suck and again as if nothing had happened... He really liked this fun... " - said Cherevin.

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Contemporaries also noted the incontinence of Alexander III. The expressions “beast” and “scum” were common words for him. In his diary, A. V. Bogdanovich, with reference to P. A. Monteverdi, editor of the Petersburg Newspaper, writes that “when the sovereign was not yet the heir, his entourage rejoiced that he would not be the king - such was his ferocious character showed."

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Alexander III was not very intelligent. People who knew him well testify to this. The head of the Main Directorate for Press Affairs, E.M. Feoktistov, who had a generally positive attitude towards the emperor, did not rate his mental abilities very highly: “It cannot be denied that intellectually, Emperor Alexander Alexandrovich was an insignificant figure - the flesh predominated too much in him over the spirit... He often happened to express very sensible thoughts, and along with them those that amazed with their purely childish naivety and innocence.” Even an admirer of Alexander III, Minister of Finance S. Yu. Witte, was forced to admit that “... Emperor Alexander III had a completely ordinary mind; perhaps, one could say, below average intelligence, below average abilities and below average education... Emperor Alexander III had a small mind of the intellect, but he had a huge, outstanding mind of the heart."

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Probably, the “ordinariness of mind” and the absence of any “military talents” were one of the reasons that Alexander II was advised against appointing an heir as commander-in-chief of the entire army during the Russian-Turkish war. Alexander was entrusted with the modest position of commander of the Rushchuk detachment. The commander-in-chief, Grand Duke Nikolai Nikolaevich, Alexander's uncle, instructed him to guard the road from the crossing of the Danube at Sistovo to Tarnovo. The detachment took almost no part in combat operations; nominations for awards from the detachment's officers were ignored. One of Alexander’s companions, Count S. Shuvalov, wrote in his diary: “... I’m very sorry for the Tsarevich; his situation is difficult.”

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And one more fact that very clearly shows the critical attitude of his contemporaries towards Alexander’s ability to rule the country. Moscow University professor A.I. Chivilev was horrified when he learned that his student had been declared heir to the throne. In a conversation with his colleague Professor K.N. Bestuzhev-Ryumin, he said: “What a pity that the sovereign did not convince him to renounce his rights: I cannot come to terms with the idea that he will rule Russia.”

An ordinary mind and lack of knowledge did not allow Alexander to independently navigate the variety of questions that confronted him. Therefore, after his accession to the throne, the ministries established the practice of accompanying each written report sent daily to the emperor with a short note outlining the essence of the matter - to facilitate the sovereign’s work.

During his leisure hours, Alexander III did not read much. These were novels by Leskov, Melnikov; I really liked Markovich’s works; did not like or understand many of Tolstoy’s works, and did not know Turgenev’s works. The emperor did not read newspapers at all. “He reads, of course, little,” General A. A. Kireev wrote in his diary, “they hide newspapers from him.” He goes on to say that a kind of review was compiled for the tsar from newspaper information, which, after viewing it by the head of the Main Press Directorate and the Minister of Internal Affairs, was presented to Alexander.

The assassination of Alexander II made a stunning impression on his son. The fear of assassination literally poisoned his life.

N.M. Baranov, who was appointed St. Petersburg mayor in March 1881, informed the sovereign about information allegedly received through foreign police about new impending assassinations. Alexander III was not allowed outside the fence of the Anichkov Palace. Two days after the assassination attempt, I. I. Vorontsov-Dashkov, the Minister of the Court, sent a letter to Alexander III asking him not to take risks and move to the Winter Palace, so as not to expose himself to danger during daily transitions from the Anichkov Palace to the Winter Palace. Under the chairmanship of Vorontsov-Dashkov, a commission is formed to create a special honorary bodyguard for the sovereign. And for this purpose, in March 1881, the secret society “Sacred Squad” was even created. The idea of ​​​​creating such an organization belonged to S. Yu. Witte, who was soon initiated into membership of this squad. The “Holy Squad” is “an attempt by government circles to upper echelons bureaucracy to develop new means to combat the revolutionary movement, the organization of which had to be opposed by a secret society...” Representatives of the squad negotiated with the Executive Committee of Narodnaya Volya, which was asked to refrain from terrorist acts until the coronation of Alexander III. Fear that the revolutionaries take advantage of the celebration for an assassination attempt, forcing the government to constantly postpone the coronation; it took place only on May 15, 1883.

K.P. Pobedonostsev showed special care for his pupil in those days. In a letter dated March 11, 1881, he warned Alexander: “When you are going to bed, please lock the door behind you not only in the bedroom, but also in all the following rooms, right up to the entrance.” Pobedonostsev advised checking bells, furniture, the reliability of people before going to bed, and “if anyone was even a little doubtful, you can find an excuse to remove him...”. Such concern contributed to increased panic. March 27, 1881 Alexander III leaves St. Petersburg and settles in Gatchina. There he chooses for his stay not the ceremonial chambers, but “small gloomy and creepy” rooms on the mezzanine, where a person of average height could easily reach the ceiling with his hand. “In Gatchina, it is striking... the view of the palace and park, cordoned off by several rows of sentries, with the addition of police officers brought from St. Petersburg, horse patrols, secret agents... The palace represents the appearance of a prison...”. This is how D. A. Milyutin saw Gatchina. Alexander III voluntarily became a “prisoner of Gatchina.”

The fears were not unfounded. In a letter to Alexander III published after the death of Alexander II, the Executive Committee of Narodnaya Volya announced that it did not intend to lay down arms and would fight with even greater bitterness if the new tsar maintained an autocratic form of government. On March 1, 1887, a Narodnaya Volya group called the Terrorist Faction of Narodnaya Volya, founded in December 1886 in St. Petersburg by P. Ya. Shevyrev and A. I. Ulyanov (brother of V. I. Lenin), made an attempt on Alexander’s life III. Participants in the failed attempt to assassinate the Tsar P. I. Andreyushkin, V. D. Generalov, V. S. Osipanov, A. I. Ulyanov, P. Ya. Shevyrev were hanged on March 7, 1887.

Precautionary measures were also taken in case the conspirators wanted to poison the sovereign. Every time they sent for provisions to a new place and to a new person. The suppliers did not know that their supplies were being taken for the royal table. The emperor ordered that new cooks be appointed daily, and at the last moment, unexpectedly for them. The cooks and cooks were thoroughly searched by the officers on duty.

During long journeys of the sovereign and his family (to the south, abroad), 1 - 2 weeks before the passage of the royal train, the soldiers formed a chain along the rails. The guns were loaded with firearms, and the soldiers were ordered to shoot at anyone who approached the tracks. The Imperial Headquarters, created in 1884 to improve the security of the Tsar and his family, also used other tricks. The direction of travel changed, and the troops were deployed along different railways. Another time, three identical trains were launched at short intervals, one after another, and no one knew which one the Tsar was on.

However, these preventive measures did not prevent the crash of the sovereign's train on October 17, 1888 near the Borki station. The entire train fell onto an embankment, several people died. “At the time of the crash, the sovereign and his family were in the dining car... With his characteristic calm... the sovereign got out of the carriage, calmed everyone down, and provided assistance to the wounded.” Of the members of the imperial family, the eldest daughter Xenia, who remained hunchbacked, suffered the most.

The cause of the disaster was a violation of train traffic rules. The huge train, made up of heavy cars, was pulled by two freight locomotives, moving at an illegal speed. S. Yu. Witte, who was at that time the head of the South-Western Railway, had previously warned the Minister of Railways in the presence of Alexander III about possible consequences such a movement. After the crash, the tsar remembered this and offered Witte the post of director of the department of railway affairs in the Ministry of Finance.

In the event of his death, Alexander III appointed his brother Vladimir's eldest son as regent. Therefore, Witte, who loved the emperor, was disingenuous when he wrote in his memoirs: “...Emperor Alexander III was an extremely courageous man... In any case, he was never at all afraid of death.”

From the biography it follows that Alexander III was not one of the people who took care of their health. Indeed, he managed to hide his kidney disease for a long time. But when the usually obese sovereign began to lose weight, his relatives turned to the famous Moscow professor Zakharyin. He determined the hopelessness of the situation. From spring to autumn 1894, Alexander III stayed on his feet. He died on October 20, 1894 in Yalta, sitting in a chair, fully conscious.

This was the man who ruled Russia for 13 years.

Alexander III ascended the throne in a difficult political and economic situation: the terrorist activity of the Narodnaya Volya reached its apogee, the war with Turkey completely upset finances and the monetary system. Under these conditions, the young sovereign had to make a choice - either to continue bourgeois reforms, or to firmly and brutally begin the fight against all liberal sentiments and aspirations. Russian society froze in anticipation.

But Alexander III in the first months of his reign was in no hurry to proclaim the principles of his policy. This raised hopes in society. “One could hope that the resumption of legislative work, constituting the continuation and completion of interrupted reforms, moreover, with the assistance of representatives of local interests, would contribute to both the calming of minds and the rise of government authority,” D. A. Milyutin wrote in his diary.

The emperor's first statements and orders were completely in the spirit of the previous course. It is known that in January 1881, the Minister of Internal Affairs, Count M. T. Loris-Melikov, proposed his program to Alexander II. Its first part provided for the expansion of the rights of zemstvos, the press, partial decentralization of administrative management, and some financial and economic measures, including the completion of the peasant reform. The development of these measures was proposed to be carried out in temporary preparatory commissions with broad participation in them of representatives from zemstvos and city dumas. This project was called the “constitution” of Loris-Melikov. On the morning of March 1, Alexander II signed these papers and ordered their publication in the Government Gazette. But after his death they could not be made public without the consent and signature of the new sovereign.

Loris-Melikov turned to Alexander III with the question of whether the publication of this document should be suspended. The emperor did not hesitate to answer that the last wish of the late king must be carried out. It seemed that it had finally happened: Russia would receive a constitution. The "Liberal Party" can celebrate victory.

But supporters of the reactionary course were not idle. The regicide inspired them. On March 1, 1881, late in the evening, K. P. Pobedonostsev appeared at the Anichkov Palace and begged Alexander III to fire Loris-Melikov. And although the tsar did not consider this possible, nevertheless, at two o’clock in the morning Loris-Melikov received an order from the Anichkov Palace to suspend the printing of the program and subject it to a new discussion. On March 6, Pobedonostsev writes to Alexander III: “Don’t leave Count Loris-Melikov, I don’t trust him. He is a magician and can still play a double game. If you put yourself in his hands, he will lead you and Russia to destruction... And he not a Russian patriot. Be careful, for God's sake, Your Highness, that he does not take over your will... The new policy must be declared immediately and decisively. All talk about freedom of the press, about the willfulness of meetings, about a representative assembly must be put to an end at once. ..".

On March 8, a meeting of the Council of Ministers was held, at which the fate of Loris-Melikov’s “constitution” was to be decided. Anticipating the discussion, Alexander said: “Count Loris-Melikov reported to the late sovereign about the need to convene representatives from zemstvos and cities. This idea was generally approved by my late father. However, the question should not be considered a foregone conclusion, since the late father wanted the project to be finalized before convene the Council of Ministers to consider it."

How the discussion of this issue went, we learn from the notes of a participant in the meeting of Minister of War D. A. Milyutin. “From... Count Sergei Grigoryevich Stroganov we heard that in the proposed program of peaceful legislative work there were signs of revolution, a constitution and all sorts of troubles... The Emperor listened with noticeable sympathy to the ultra-conservative speech of the old reactionary.” But everything said by Stroganov and other ministers was pale and insignificant in comparison “with the long Jesuit speech delivered by Pobedonostsev; this was not just a refutation of the measures now proposed, but a direct, sweeping condemnation of everything that was done in the past reign; he dared to name the great The reforms of Emperor Alexander II were a criminal mistake... It was a denial of everything that formed the basis of European civilization."

"The end of Russia!" - this is the leitmotif of Pobedonostsev’s speech. “They are offering to set up a talking shop for us... Everyone is talking, and no one is working. They want to set up an all-Russian supreme talking shop.”

The Emperor decided to reconsider Loris-Melikov's proposal again. The project was submitted to a commission that never met again. The document was buried.

Despite Pobedonostsev’s speech, the ministers who defended liberal program, they still hoped to convince the sovereign to approve it. Loris-Melikov and Milyutin, discussing the state of affairs after the meeting, came to the conclusion “that both should remain in a wait-and-see position for some time until it becomes clear which of the two opposite paths will be chosen by the emperor.”

At the meeting on April 21, the issue of zemstvo representation was again raised. Loris-Melikov, Milyutin, and other ministers argued for the need for further development and completion of the reforms begun by Alexander II. But Alexander III no longer hesitated in assessing this project. “Our meeting today made a sad impression on me,” he wrote to Pobedonostsev. “Loris, Milyutin and Abaza are positively continuing the same policy and want to one way or another bring us to a representative government, but until I am convinced that this is necessary for the happiness of Russia Of course, this will not happen, I will not allow it. It is unlikely, however, that I will ever be convinced of the benefit of such a measure, I am too sure of its harm. It is strange to listen to smart people who can seriously talk about the representative principle in Russia in exactly memorized phrases. , read by them from our lousy journalism and bureaucratic liberalism, I am more and more convinced that I cannot expect good from these ministers..."

Pobedonostsev could celebrate victory. The fate of Loris-Melikov, Abaza and Milyutin was decided. But they had no idea about it. And on April 28, 1881, the next meeting took place, where heated debates about zemstvos continued. Loris-Melikov's proposals to revise some articles of the Regulations on zemstvos and city institutions, to involve zemstvos in the legislative development of issues on measures to improve the well-being of the peasant population were approved by all those present, except Pobedonostsev. The presiding Grand Duke Vladimir Alexandrovich proposed a compromise: for the first time, limiting himself to calling from the provinces a small number of efficient and completely trustworthy people known to the government. The purpose of such a meeting is a preliminary discussion of the very question of the procedure for calling zemstvo representatives to process known bills in cases where the government recognizes this as useful.

And suddenly those gathered were surprised to learn from the Minister of Justice the news that the highest manifesto had been prepared for tomorrow. The author of the manifesto is K. P. Pobedonostsev. This was stunning news. How?! A week ago, the sovereign expressed his wish for the need for a preliminary agreement between the ministers. And suddenly such an important state act appears behind them.

On April 29, 1881, the manifesto “On the Inviolability of Autocracy” was published. “A special and unexpected thing has happened,” wrote Secretary of State E. A. Peretz, under the impression of the manifesto. “A manifesto has been published, declaring the sovereign’s firm intention to protect the autocracy... The manifesto breathes partly with a challenge, a threat, but at the same time does not contain anything comforting neither for the educated classes nor for the common people. He made a depressing impression in society."

Insulted, Loris-Melikov, Abaza and Milyutin resigned, which was accepted. In his last conversation with Loris-Melikov, the sovereign very frankly expressed that at the present moment, when the whole task is precisely to “strengthen autocratic power,” Milyutin, Loris-Melikov, and Abaza are unsuitable for him.

The struggle between two government groups - supporters of the reactionary course and the Loris-Melikov group - ended in victory for the first. It was “a struggle within the ruling class, reflected the difference in views of different statesmen about the ways and means of strengthening the autocratic state,” says P. A. Zayonchkovsky, the largest researcher of the history of Russian tsarism.

A combination of objective and subjective factors determined this victory. There was no force in Russian society capable of resisting or resisting the turn of the political course towards reaction. Representatives of government liberalism, led by Loris-Melikov, were demoralized by the murder of the tsar. Under these conditions, it was the position of the sovereign that could become decisive in the choice of political course. Was Alexander III a convinced reactionary at the time of his accession to the throne? I think not. Rather, he was a politician of conservative views. When he was heir, liberal thoughts were not alien to him. Sometimes Alexander rebelled and went against the opinions and tendencies of his father, read Slavophile articles by Yu. F. Samarin and I. S. Aksakov. A year before his father’s death, in February 1880, the future emperor corresponded with Loris-Melikov on the issue of a legislative institution. It seemed that the minister convinced Alexander of the need to involve representatives of zemstvos in the discussion of state affairs. On April 12, 1880, the Tsarevich, having learned that Alexander II approved of Loris-Melikov’s liberal program, wrote to the latter: “Thank God! I cannot express how glad I am that the sovereign accepted your note so graciously and with such confidence, dear Mikhail Tarielovich. .. Now you can confidently go forward and calmly and persistently carry out your program for the happiness of your dear homeland and for the misfortune of the ministers... I congratulate you from the bottom of my heart..."

The murder of his father destroyed these sentiments and set him up against the so-called “liberal party” of Loris-Melikov, which he considered to be responsible for the death of Alexander II. According to the correct remark of G.I. Chulkov, the “lazy and awkward mind” of Alexander III could not give birth to any independent idea. He needed a leader, a mentor.

From the first days of his reign, Konstantin Petrovich Pobedonostsev became the emperor's closest political adviser. “Will someone be the chief adviser to the young tsar? - asked A. V. Bogdanovich - the wife of the Minister of Internal Affairs E. V. Bogdanovich, the hostess of the St. Petersburg salon, where ministers and governors, metropolitans and ladies-in-waiting, diplomats and writers gathered. - God forbid so that only Pobedonostsev remains. He is harmful to both Russia and the Tsar.”

K. P. Pobedonostsev, the son of a professor at Moscow University, was born in 1827. He received his education at the School of Law. He began his service in the Moscow departments of the Senate. As a professor at Moscow University in 1860-1865, he gained fame as the author of the three-volume Code of Russian Laws. The outstanding Russian lawyer A.F. Koni, who listened to Pobedonostsev’s lectures, wrote in his memoirs: “A figure with a pale, thin, smooth-shaven face, in thick tortoiseshell glasses, through which intelligent eyes looked tiredly and indifferently, and flowed from bloodless lips, towered above the department. Pobedonostsev’s lazy, noiselessly monotonous speech, preceded by literary fame and fame as an experienced civilist, inspired us with respect, but did not enliven us and left us indifferent to his subject.”

In 1865 he was appointed member of the consultation of the Ministry of Justice. In 1868 Pobedonostsev became a senator, and in 1872 he became a member of the State Council. His approach to the royal family occurred in the 60s of the 19th century, when the young professor was entrusted with teaching law to the grand dukes. His closest relations with the future Emperor Alexander III were established in the second half of the 70s. This is confirmed by the number of letters from Pobedonostsev to the heir. In 1880, on the initiative of Tsarevich Alexander, Konstantin Petrovich took the post of Chief Prosecutor of the Holy Synod, otherwise - Minister for Grandfathers of the Russian Orthodox Church. At the same time, he took on the duties of political mentor to Alexander III's eldest son, Nicholas.

According to their own political views, which are set out in letters to the emperor and in the book “Moscow Collection” (1896), Pobedonostsev belonged to the representatives of extreme reaction. “Autocracy, Orthodoxy, nationality” - this is how the political credo of this statesman can be briefly formulated. He was a supporter of unlimited autocracy, the preservation of noble privileges, and an ardent enemy of Western European forms of social life. The chief prosecutor's "evil and sharp mind" criticized bourgeois parliamentarism, the corruption of deputies, and the falseness of their eloquence. "One of the most deceitful political principles is the beginning of democracy, unfortunately, established over time french revolution the idea that all power comes from the people and has its basis in the will of the people. This is where the theory of parliamentarism stems from, which still misleads the masses of the so-called intelligentsia and, unfortunately, has penetrated into Russian crazy heads,” he wrote in his article “The Great Lie of Our Time.” Since zemstvos in Russia were organized on a parliamentary principle , then they should have been liquidated. Pobedonostsev was merciless to trial by jury, university autonomy, and secular public education.

Contemporaries unanimously recognized in him a large, sharp and subtle mind, a broad education and at the same time narrowness of judgment and intolerance. He hated the intelligentsia and could not tolerate any dissent - neither political nor religious. “The state recognizes one religion among all as the true religion and exclusively supports and patronizes one church, to the prejudice of all other churches and faiths,” Pobedonostsev wrote in the “Moscow Collection.” “This prejudice means in general that all other churches are not recognized as true or completely true; but in practice it is expressed in different forms, with many different shades and from non-recognition and condemnation to persecution." Based on these principles, the Minister of Religion persecuted all Old Believers, sectarians and representatives of other religions. In the literature we find a comparison of Pobedonostsev with Thomas Torquemada, the head of the Spanish Inquisition in the 80s of the 15th century.

The impact of Pobedonostsev’s speeches, letters and articles on listeners and readers was enhanced by the fact that in defense of his reactionary views he brought “fiery faith, exalted patriotism, deep and immutable conviction, broad education, rare power of dialectics... perfect simplicity and great charm of manners and speech."

But, filled with “reasonable and talented criticism,” he suffered from “a complete lack of positive life creativity...”. Here is another point of view: "... There was no person who was so frightened of any decisive action... one had only to stutter that one could not sit idly by, it was necessary to take action... and he immediately became horrified." A person was needed who could implement Pobedonostsev’s ideas. The autocrat became “a beast of burden onto which Pobedonostsev loaded his heavy burden.”

In the second half of the 80s, Alexander III was less and less inclined to listen to the advice of his teacher. The main reason for the loss of influence on the sovereign was the lack of a positive political program. The emperor himself pointed this out in a conversation with S. Yu. Witte: "... Pobedonostsev is an excellent critic, but he himself can never create anything... you can’t live on criticism alone, but you have to go forward, you have to create, but in In this regard, K.P. Pobedonostsev and other people of his own direction can no longer be of any use..." During the first half of the 80s of the XIX century. government policy was built under the influence of the “criticism” of Pobedonostsev, who became the creator of counter-reforms in Russia.

The first signs of a departure from the course adopted in the previous reign were the removal from the post of Chairman of the State Council of Grand Duke Konstantin Nikolaevich, who, in his views, was a strong supporter of bourgeois reforms; an attempt to reconcile Loris-Melikov with Pobedonostsev; expressed sympathy for I. S. Aksakov’s speech against “the unreasonable and criminal attempts and aspirations of pseudo-liberalism, which wants to push Russia onto the wrong path of constitutional reforms that are alien to its national genius.

But the so-called “reactionary party,” whose leader was Pobedonostsev, could not immediately begin implementing its plans. In an atmosphere of continued unrest in the country, Alexander III did not dare to move towards reaction. Figures appeared on the Russian political scene transition period: Minister of Internal Affairs Count N.P. Ignatiev, Minister of Finance Professor N.H. Bunge, Minister of Education Baron A.P. Nikolai.

The new Minister of Internal Affairs took steps to stabilize the political situation in the country. According to the adopted “Regulations on measures to protect state order and public peace,” all administrative authorities - from the minister, governor to the district police officer - received exclusive rights. Any province could be declared under martial law, each resident could be expelled from the province by the authority of the governor.

But Ignatiev could not help but understand that it was difficult to establish order through repressive measures alone. In May 1882, he presented the sovereign with a draft advisory Zemsky Sobor, the convening of which should have been timed to coincide with the coronation of Alexander III. Pobedonostsev’s intervention immediately followed again. “Having read these papers,” he wrote to the emperor on May 4, 1882, “I was horrified at the thought of what could have followed if Count Ignatiev’s proposal were carried out...” In a letter dated May 6, Pobedonostsev even more harshly: “The more I think, the more I am horrified by the enormity of this project...”. At a personal meeting with the sovereign, he argued that it was necessary to put an end once and for all to attempts “to carry out dangerous experiments on the fundamental foundations of our political system, which, fortunately, Loris-Melikov failed.” The last attempt to “renew” Russia was stopped.

On May 27, 1882, a meeting was held in Gatchina to discuss the proposed project. No matter how Ignatiev tried to present the convening of the Zemsky Sobor as a decoration for the magnificent setting of the coronation of the tsar, a symbol of unity with the people, to prove the harmlessness of this idea, not a single vote was cast in favor of Ignatiev. The Minister of Internal Affairs was becoming undesirable in this post.

Even on the eve of the meeting, Pobedonostsev, talking with M. N. Ostrovsky, the Minister of State Property, suggested who would be desirable to replace Count Ignatiev in the event of his removal. Count D. A. Tolstoy seemed to him the only suitable figure. After the Pobedonostsev meeting, he went directly from Gatchina to negotiate with Tolstoy, and on May 28 already reported to Alexander III: “This morning I carried out the orders of your imperial majesty: I visited Count Tolstoy and explained to him... When your majesty wishes to call him, he will honor It is my duty to report to you my view on some significant subjects in this department."

On May 30, D. A. Tolstoy was appointed Minister of Internal Affairs. For S. Yu. Witte, it was obvious that “Emperor Alexander III appointed him Minister of Internal Affairs... precisely because he has ultra-conservative views.” The entire liberal public gasped with indignation. “According to the general opinion, now a dictatorship was supposed to come... which would strengthen power and put an end to all unsightly phenomena in our social life with harsh measures,” we read in the memoirs of E. M. Feoktistov." Appearance on the stage of Count D. A. Tolstoy testified to a decisive turn in the policy of Alexander III.

Nikolai also headed the Ministry of Public Education for a short time. A year later he was replaced by I.D. Delyanov. D. A. Milyutin, having learned about this appointment, wrote in his diary: “This is almost the same as if Katkov had been appointed; this is the restoration of the ministry of Count Tolstoy, hated by all of Russia. The difference between the previous regime and the future is only in the lining: Tolstoy’s lining was bile; Delyanov’s will be idiocy.”

So, the mobilization of forces capable of strengthening the shaken autocracy was essentially completed. It was possible to begin implementing a program that could return Russia to pre-reform times.

The first victims of the new policy were the press and the school. The new censorship statute was aimed at strangling the opposition press. In 1883-1884 All radical and many liberal periodicals ceased to exist: “Domestic Notes” by M. E. Saltykov-Shchedrin, “Delo” by N. V. Shelgunov, “Voice”, “Zemstvo”. In 1884, university autonomy was abolished, uniforms were reintroduced for students as a “means of supervision” over them, upon admission to the university it was necessary to present a certificate of “reliability,” and university tuition fees were increased fivefold. In 1887, a circular was issued, known as “on cooks’ children,” according to which it was forbidden to admit children of coachmen, footmen, laundresses, and small shopkeepers to the gymnasium. All primary schools were transferred to the church department - the Synod. " Political activity such leaders of the last two tsars as K.P. Pobedonostsev and D.A. Tolstoy, was deliberately aimed at delaying the enlightenment of the Russian people,” this was the assessment of government policy in the field of education by P.N. Milyukov.

In 1886, Tolstoy began to transform zemstvo institutions. The socio-economic development of Russia naturally led to the weakening of the position of the nobility in the zemstvos and the strengthening of the role of the commercial and industrial bourgeoisie, new landowners from the merchants, and rich peasants. Most of all, the government was worried about the growth of opposition sentiments and constitutional claims of the Zemstvo residents. Therefore, the goal of the planned reforms was to strengthen the representation of the nobility, that is, to “nobility” the zemstvo institutions, as Witte accurately noted. For this purpose, the qualification for the nobility was reduced and the number of noble vowels increased. The peasantry was deprived of elected representation. The governor himself appointed the peasant representatives. Not a single decision of the zemstvo was made without the approval of the governor or the minister of internal affairs.

One of the most reactionary reforms was the introduction in 1889 of the institution of zemstvo chiefs. Zemstvo chiefs were appointed by the Minister of Internal Affairs from local hereditary nobles on the proposal of governors. By combining the functions of administrators and judges in their hands, they received unlimited power. The magistrate's court in the village was destroyed. All activities of peasant self-government were under their control. Peasants had no right to complain about zemstvo bosses. With this act, the autocracy essentially restored the power of the landowners over the peasants, lost under the reform of 1861.

According to the recollections of witnesses to these transformations, primarily Witte and Feoktistov, even many of the conservatives did not sympathize with this institution. The Chairman of the State Council, Grand Duke Mikhail Nikolaevich, attempted to influence the emperor through Pobedonostsev. “I myself can’t do anything, how many times did I convince the sovereign to arrange a meeting at my place, to listen to both sides, but he didn’t want to hear about it,” Mikhail Nikolaevich complained. On December 29, 1888, Pobedonostsev sent a letter to Alexander III, where he very cunningly stated the following: "... everyone fears that precisely this goal, i.e., the establishment of order, cannot be achieved by such an institution. In vain, Count Tolstoy suspects something fundamental here. opposition... In the form in which Count Tolstoy’s project is outlined, it, in my deep conviction, shared by very many, can only cause harm and will not only not establish order, but will cause unrest, giving rise to a confusion of authorities... Solve these important questions quickly and without careful, detailed discussion would mean putting at stake the great question of establishing order and peace in rural population Russia".

But the sovereign turned out to be deaf to these arguments. Witte believes that “Alexander III insisted on this idea... precisely because he was seduced by the idea that all of Russia would be divided into zemstvo sections, that in each section there would be a respectable nobleman who enjoyed general respect in the area, that this a respectable noble landowner will look after the peasants, judge them and order them.” Justifying his idol, Witte writes that if this was a mistake, it was a highly emotional one, since the emperor was “deeply cordial towards all the needs of the Russian peasantry...”.

The judicial reform also underwent changes: the activities of the jury were significantly limited.

The result of the transformations carried out by Alexander III and his government was not just the conservation of the feudal political system, but also its strengthening.

Government policy in the field of industry and finance differed from the political course. Objectively, it contributed to Russia’s further movement along the capitalist path.

Under Alexander III, “customs policy turned sharply from free trade to protectionism,” protective measures against industry expanded, a transition was made to new bourgeois principles of taxation, the “nationalization” of railways began, and a drinking and tobacco monopoly was introduced. These measures contributed to the further development of trade and industry, and the elimination of the budget deficit, which made it possible to carry out a reform - the transition to gold circulation. The industrial and financial policies of Alexander III created the preconditions for a powerful economic recovery in the second half of the 90s.

The government of Alexander III was forced to admit the existence of the labor issue. In order to mitigate clashes between industrialists and workers, the working hours of women and adolescents were limited, a factory inspection was established, and mandatory rules were issued on the conditions of factory work.

Speaking about the agrarian policy pursued by Alexander III, it is necessary to note its contradictory nature. Even the Minister of Finance A. A. Abaza outlined a number of reforms that were carried out by his successor N. X. Bunge: the abolition of temporary obligations and the transition of peasants to compulsory redemption, a reduction in redemption payments, and the abolition of the poll tax. In 1882, the government established the Peasant Land Bank, which issued loans to peasants for the purchase of land. This contributed to the spread of private land ownership among peasants.

But while strengthening the bourgeois foundations in the countryside with one hand, the government with the other hand created obstacles to the capitalization of the countryside. To provide economic support to the landed nobility, the Noble Land Bank was created in 1885, from which the nobles received loans on very preferential terms. But this was literally wasted government money, because in most cases it was drunk, eaten, and lost. According to the fair remark of G.V. Plekhanov, “this led the “first estate” to economic collapse and complete demoralization.”

In the late 80s and early 90s, a series of laws were adopted aimed at preserving the patriarchal peasant family and community: family divisions were prohibited and early redemption of plots was limited.

The difference in approaches to developing an economic and political course cannot be explained only by the feeling of “respect for the state ruble, the state penny, which Alexander III possessed,” or his understanding that “Russia can become great only when it is a country ... industrial” . Neither Alexander III nor his finance ministers could ignore, firstly, the interests of the state treasury, and secondly, strengthening the defense power of the state. Finally, it must be borne in mind that the economic sphere was largely outside the power of the autocracy.

In the field of foreign policy, Alexander III was guided by the national interests of Russia. He did not share the pro-German sentiments of his father, Alexander II. Germany's unfavorable position towards Russia in the Balkans further cooled Russian-German relations, and a rapprochement with France began. The thirteen-year reign of Alexander III passed peacefully, without major military clashes. This policy brought him the laurels of the “peacemaker” king.

The assessments of contemporaries of the reign of Alexander III are mutually exclusive. Let's list the most striking ones. S. Yu. Witte: ". Emperor Alexander III was far from appreciated by his contemporaries and the immediate generation, and the majority is skeptical about his reign. This is extremely unfair. Emperor Alexander III was a great emperor." G. V. Plekhanov: “For thirteen years Alexander III sowed the wind...”

K.P. Pobedonostsev retired during the reign of Nicholas II, after the publication of the Manifesto on October 17, 1905. In March 1907, he died.

The name of Emperor Alexander III, one of the greatest statesmen of Russia, was consigned to desecration and oblivion for many years. And only in recent decades, when the opportunity arose to speak unbiasedly and freely about the past, evaluate the present and think about the future, the public service of Emperor Alexander III arouses great interest of all who are interested in the history of their country.

The reign of Alexander III was not accompanied by bloody wars or ruinous radical reforms. It brought Russia economic stability, strengthening of international prestige, growth of its population and spiritual self-deepening. Alexander III put an end to the terrorism that shook the state during the reign of his father, Emperor Alexander II, who was killed on March 1, 1881 by a bomb from the nobleman of the Bobruisk district of the Minsk province, Ignatius Grinevitsky.

Emperor Alexander III was not destined to reign by birth. Being the second son of Alexander II, he became the heir to the Russian throne only after the premature death of his older brother Tsarevich Nikolai Alexandrovich in 1865. At the same time, on April 12, 1865, the Highest Manifesto announced to Russia the proclamation of Grand Duke Alexander Alexandrovich as the heir-Tsarevich, and a year later the Tsarevich married the Danish princess Dagmara, who was named Maria Fedorovna in marriage.

On the anniversary of his brother’s death on April 12, 1866, he wrote in his diary: “I will never forget this day... the first funeral service over the body of a dear friend... I thought in those minutes that I would not survive my brother, that I would constantly cry at just one thought that I no longer have a brother and friend. But God strengthened me and gave me strength to take on my new assignment. Perhaps I often forgot my purpose in the eyes of others, but in my soul there was always this feeling that I should not live for myself, but for others; heavy and difficult duty. But: “Thy will be done, O God”. I repeat these words constantly, and they always console and support me, because everything that happens to us is all the will of God, and therefore I am calm and trust in the Lord!” The awareness of the gravity of obligations and responsibility for the future of the state, entrusted to him from above, did not leave the new emperor throughout his short life.

The educators of Grand Duke Alexander Alexandrovich were Adjutant General, Count V.A. Perovsky, a man of strict moral rules, appointed by his grandfather Emperor Nicholas I. The education of the future emperor was supervised by the famous economist, professor at Moscow University A.I. Chivilev. Academician Y.K. Grot taught Alexander history, geography, Russian and German; prominent military theorist M.I. Dragomirov - tactics and military history, S.M. Soloviev - Russian history. The future emperor studied political and legal sciences, as well as Russian legislation, from K.P. Pobedonostsev, who had a particularly great influence on Alexander. After graduation, Grand Duke Alexander Alexandrovich traveled throughout Russia several times. It was these trips that laid in him not only a love and the foundations of a deep interest in the fate of the Motherland, but also formed an understanding of the problems facing Russia.

As heir to the throne, the Tsarevich participated in meetings of the State Council and the Committee of Ministers, was the chancellor of the University of Helsingfors, ataman of the Cossack troops, commander guards units in St. Petersburg. In 1868, when Russia suffered a severe famine, he became the head of a commission formed to provide assistance to the victims. During the Russian-Turkish War of 1877-1878. he commanded the Rushchuk detachment, which played an important and difficult role tactically: it held back the Turks from the east, facilitating the actions of the Russian army, which was besieging Plevna. Realizing the need to strengthen the Russian fleet, the Tsarevich made an ardent appeal to the people for donations to the Russian fleet. In a short time the money was collected. The Volunteer Fleet ships were built on them. It was then that the heir to the throne became convinced that Russia had only two friends: its army and navy.

He was interested in music, fine arts and history, was one of the initiators of the creation of the Russian Historical Society and its chairman, and was involved in collecting collections of antiquities and restoring historical monuments.

The accession to the Russian throne of Emperor Alexander III followed on March 2, 1881 after tragic death father, Emperor Alexander II, who went down in history with his extensive transformative activities. The regicide was a great shock for Alexander III and caused a complete change in the country's political course. Already the Manifesto on the accession to the throne of the new emperor contained a program for his foreign and domestic policies. It said: “In the midst of Our great sorrow, the voice of God commands Us to stand cheerfully for the work of government, trusting in God’s Providence, with faith in the power and truth Autocratic power, which We are called upon to affirm and protect for the good of the people from any encroachments on it.” It was clear that the time of constitutional vacillation, which was characteristic of the previous government, was over. The emperor set his main task to suppress not only the revolutionary terrorist, but also the liberal opposition movement.

The government, formed with the participation of the Chief Prosecutor of the Holy Synod K.P. Pobedonostsev, concentrated his attention on strengthening the “traditionalist” principles in politics, economics and culture of the Russian Empire. In the 80s - mid 90s. a series of legislative acts appeared that limited the nature and actions of those reforms of the 60-70s, which, according to the emperor, did not correspond to the historical purpose of Russia. Trying to prevent destructive force opposition movement, the emperor introduced restrictions in zemstvo and city government. The elective principle in the magistrate court was reduced, and in the counties the execution of judicial duties was transferred to the newly established zemstvo chiefs.

At the same time, steps were taken aimed at developing the state's economy, strengthening finances and carrying out military reforms, resolving agrarian-peasant and national-religious issues. The young emperor also paid attention to the development of the material well-being of his subjects: he founded the Ministry of Agriculture to improve agriculture, established noble and peasant land banks, with the assistance of which nobles and peasants could acquire land property, patronized domestic industry (by increasing customs duties on foreign goods ), and by building new canals and railways, including through Belarus, contributed to the revival of the economy and trade.

For the first time, the entire population of Belarus was sworn in to Emperor Alexander III. At the same time, local authorities paid special attention to the peasantry, among whom rumors arose that the oath was being taken in order to return to the former state of serfdom and the 25-year period of military service. To prevent peasant unrest, the Minsk governor proposed taking the oath for peasants along with the privileged classes. In the event of Catholic peasants refusing to take the oath “in the prescribed manner,” it was recommended to “act ... in a condescending and cautious manner, observing ... that the oath was taken according to the Christian rite, ... without forcing, ... and generally not influencing them in a spirit that could irritate them religious beliefs».

State policy in Belarus was dictated, first of all, by the reluctance to “forcibly break the historically established system of life” of the local population, the “forcible eradication of languages” and the desire to ensure that “foreigners become modern sons, and not remain eternal adopted children of the country.” It was at this time that general imperial legislation, administrative and political management and the education system were finally established on the Belarusian lands. At the same time, the authority of the Orthodox Church rose.

In foreign policy affairs, Alexander III tried to avoid military conflicts, which is why he went down in history as the “Tsar-Peacemaker.” The main direction of the new political course was to ensure Russian interests by seeking support for “ourselves.” Having become closer to France, with which Russia had no controversial interests, he concluded a peace treaty with her, thereby establishing an important balance between European states. Another extremely important policy direction for Russia was maintaining stability in Central Asia, which shortly before the reign of Alexander III became part of the Russian Empire. The borders of the Russian Empire then advanced to Afghanistan. In this huge space there was laid railway, connecting east coast Caspian Sea with the center of Russian Central Asian possessions - Samarkand and the river. Amu Darya. In general, Alexander III persistently strove for the complete unification of all border regions with indigenous Russia. To this end, he abolished the Caucasian governorship, destroyed the privileges of the Baltic Germans and prohibited foreigners, including Poles, from acquiring land in Western Russia, including Belarus.

The emperor also worked hard to improve military affairs: the Russian army was significantly enlarged and armed with new weapons; Several fortresses were built on the western border. The navy under him became one of the strongest in Europe.

Alexander III was a deeply religious Orthodox man and tried to do everything he considered necessary and useful for the Orthodox Church. Under him, church life noticeably revived: church brotherhoods began to act more actively, societies for spiritual and moral readings and interviews, as well as for the fight against drunkenness, began to emerge. To strengthen Orthodoxy during the reign of Emperor Alexander III, monasteries were founded or restored, churches were built, including through numerous and generous imperial donations. During his 13-year reign, 5,000 churches were built using government funds and donated money. Of the churches erected at this time, the following are remarkable for their beauty and internal splendor: the Church of the Resurrection of Christ in St. Petersburg on the site of the mortal wound of Emperor Alexander II - Tsar Martyr, the majestic temple in the name of St. Prince Equal to the Apostles Vladimir in Kyiv, cathedral in Riga. On the day of the emperor’s coronation, the Cathedral of Christ the Savior, who protected Holy Rus' from the daring conqueror, was solemnly consecrated in Moscow. Alexander III did not allow any modernization in Orthodox architecture and he himself personally approved the designs of the temples under construction. He zealously ensured that Orthodox churches in Russia looked Russian, so the architecture of his time bears pronounced features of a unique Russian style. He left this Russian style in churches and buildings as a legacy to the entire Orthodox world.

Extremely important matter During the era of Alexander III there were parochial schools. The Emperor saw the parish school as one of the forms of cooperation between the State and the Church. Orthodox Church, in his opinion, from time immemorial she was an educator and teacher of the people. For centuries, schools at churches were the first and only schools in Rus', including Belaya. Until the mid-60s. In the 19th century, almost exclusively priests and other members of the clergy were tutors in rural schools. On June 13, 1884, the Emperor approved the “Rules on Parish Schools.” Approving them, the emperor wrote in a report about them: “I hope that the parish clergy will be worthy of their high calling in this important matter.” Church and parochial schools began to open in many places in Russia, often in the most remote and remote villages. Often they were the only source of education for the people. At the accession of Emperor Alexander III to the throne, there were only about 4,000 parochial schools in the Russian Empire. In the year of his death there were 31,000 of them and they educated more than a million boys and girls.

Along with the number of schools, their position also strengthened. Initially, these schools were based on church funds, on funds from church fraternities and trustees and individual benefactors. Later, the state treasury came to their aid. To manage all parochial schools, a special school council was formed under the Holy Synod, publishing textbooks and literature necessary for education. While taking care of the parochial school, the emperor realized the importance of combining the fundamentals of education and upbringing in a public school. The emperor saw this education, which protects the people from the harmful influences of the West, in Orthodoxy. Therefore, Alexander III was especially attentive to the parish clergy. Before him, the parish clergy of only a few dioceses received support from the treasury. Under Alexander III, the release of funds from the treasury to provide for the clergy began. This order marked the beginning of improving the life of the Russian parish priest. When the clergy expressed gratitude for this undertaking, he said: “I will be quite happy when I manage to provide for all the rural clergy.”

Emperor Alexander III treated the development of higher and secondary education in Russia with the same care. During his short reign, Tomsk University and a number of industrial schools were opened.

The tsar's family life was impeccable. From his diary, which he kept daily when he was his heir, one can study the everyday life of an Orthodox person no worse than from the famous book by Ivan Shmelev “The Summer of the Lord.” Alexander III received true pleasure from church hymns and sacred music, which he valued much higher than secular music.

Emperor Alexander reigned for thirteen years and seven months. Constant worries and intensive studies early on broke his strong nature: he began to feel increasingly unwell. Before the death of Alexander III, St. confessed and received communion. John of Kronstadt. Not for a minute did the king’s consciousness leave him; Having said goodbye to his family, he said to his wife: “I feel the end. Be calm. “I am completely at peace”... “About half past 3 he took communion,” the new Emperor Nicholas II wrote in his diary on the evening of October 20, 1894, “slight convulsions soon began, ... and the end quickly came!” Father John stood at the head of the bed for more than an hour and held his head. It was the death of a saint!” Alexander III died in his Livadia Palace (in Crimea) before reaching his fiftieth birthday.

The personality of the emperor and his significance for the history of Russia are rightly expressed in the following verses:

In the hour of turmoil and struggle, having ascended under the shadow of the throne,
He extended his powerful hand.
And the noisy sedition around them froze.
Like a dying fire.

He understood the spirit of Rus' and believed in its strength,
Loved its space and breadth,
He lived like a Russian Tsar, and he went to his grave,
Like a true Russian hero.