Where does Luzhkov live now? What does he do? The success story of Elena Baturina’s business: how a girl from a working-class family created a billion-dollar business Yuri Mikhailovich Luzhkov personal life.

Family

Father, Mikhail Andreevich, born in the village of Molodoy Tud (now Oleninsky district of the Tver region); in 1928 he moved to Moscow and got a job at an oil depot. Mother: Anna Petrovna- a native of the village (currently the village) of Kalegino.

He divorced his first wife Alevtina while still a student; the marriage was childless.

Second wife Marina Luzhkova(nee Bashilova, daughter of a prominent party and economic figure Mikhail Bashilov) died in 1989 from cancer. They had two sons - Alexander and Mikhail.

Third wife Elena Nikolaevna Baturina– co-owner (together with his brother Victor) and general director JSC "Inteko". Baturina also owns a number of companies, in particular construction companies, which work under municipal contracts. Inteko controls a significant part of the Moscow economy.

She and Baturina got married in 1991. In his second marriage, Luzhkov has two daughters - Elena and Olga.

Biography

Yuri Mikhailovich spent his childhood and youth in the city Konotop(Ukrainian SSR) with his grandmother, having completed seven years of school, he returned to Moscow.

For the last three years (grades 8-10), Yuri Luzhkov studied at school No. 1259 (then No. 529).

In 1953, Luzhkov graduated from school.

In 1954, he worked in the first student team that explored virgin lands in Kazakhstan (together with A. P. Vladislavlev).

Graduated Institute of Petrochemical and Gas Industry named after. Gubkina. While studying at the institute, Luzhkov was actively involved in Komsomol work and organized public events.

A girl from a wealthy family, Marina Bashilova, studied in the same group as Luzhkov. Her father was a boss in the oil industry. In their fifth year, they got married and moved in with her, in a separate apartment with high ceilings.

1958 – 1964 Luzhkov was a researcher, group leader, deputy head of the laboratory Research Institute of Plastics. At that time, this industry was newfangled, purely applied and universal in relation to many sectors of the Soviet economy. Its undoubted advantage is the opportunity to get the widest connections among the capital." second tier elite" - in fact, personnel technically servicing the developments of the scientific elite itself.

1964 - 1974 - was the head of the department.

1968 - Luzhkov joined CPSU, of which he was a member until 1991, until it became indecent.

In 1973, Luzhkov quit drinking after a serious heart attack.

1974 – 1980 – was the director of the automation experimental design bureau Ministry of Chemical Industry of the USSR.

In 1975 he was elected people's deputy Babushkinsky District Council of Moscow.

From 1977 to 1991 - deputy Mossovet.

1980 - 1986 Luzhkov was general director NPO "Neftekhim-avtomatika". In "Khimavtomatika" Luzhkov was called "Duce" behind his back. Not only because of some external resemblance to Mussolini, but also for a certain leadership style.

From 1986 to 1987, Luzhkov was the head of the Department of Science and Technology, a member of the board of the USSR Ministry of Chemical Industry.

1987 - 1990 - Luzhkov was the first deputy chairman of the executive committee of the Moscow City Council and at the same time the chairman of the Moscow city agro-industrial committee.

In 1987, on the initiative of the new first secretary of the Moscow City Committee of the CPSU Boris Yeltsin, who was selecting fresh personnel, was appointed first deputy chairman Moscow City Executive Committee. At the same time, Luzhkov became chairman of the Moscow City Agro-Industrial Committee and headed the city commission on cooperative and individual labor activities. The secretary of this commission was Elena Baturina.

As a boss Mosagroprom came into conflict with Literaturnaya Gazeta due to the publication of an article about the unsuitable quality of sausage produced at the Moscow meat processing plant. He filed a lawsuit against Litgazeta, banned the admission of journalists and trade inspectors to all enterprises producing food products, but after publication in the newspaper it statement of claim and letters from readers in support of the author of the article, the lawsuit was withdrawn.

In April 1990, before the first session of the newly elected democratic Moscow Council, he became the acting chairman of the Moscow City Executive Committee as a result of the resignation of the last communist chairman of the executive committee Valeria Saikina. New Chairman of the Moscow City Council Gabriel Popov on Yeltsin’s recommendation, he nominated Luzhkov to the post of chairman of the Moscow City Executive Committee.

In 1991, Luzhkov married Baturina. Because of this, he had a conflict with his eldest son Mikhail (graduated from Saratov military school), the details of which are unknown.

Honorary Professor of the Russian Academy of Sciences, Moscow State University, the Academy of Labor and Social Relations, a number of domestic and foreign universities, academician of a number of Russian academies.

Yuri Luzhkov wrote more than 200 published works, including books on the problems of ways of socio-economic development of Russia. Has patents for more than 50 different inventions. Awarded the Orders of Lenin, Honor, "For Military Merit", Red Banner of Labor, "For Services to the Fatherland" I, II, III degrees. He is a laureate of State Prizes of the USSR and the Russian Federation.

Policy

In the summer-autumn of 1990, Luzhkov tried to actively implement the resolution of the Moscow Council, signed by Popov, on the introduction of trade in goods using passports with Moscow registration and “buyer’s business cards,” which caused retaliatory measures from the regions neighboring Moscow, which stopped supplying food to Moscow.

In June 1991, at the first mayoral elections in Moscow, Luzhkov was elected vice-mayor of Moscow, and Gavriil Popov was elected mayor of Moscow.

In July 1991, Luzhkov became prime minister of the Moscow government, created to replace the Moscow City Executive Committee.

1991 – 1992 – was vice-mayor and prime minister of the Moscow government.

During the events of August 1991, Luzhkov took an active part in defense activities White House, together with his pregnant wife. It was Luzhkov who became the center practical actions for the defense of the White House, gathering into a single fist the resources of the Moscow transport organizations, banking and "informal" structures. At the same time, according to some opposition publications, Luzhkov compared his affection for Yeltsin with his love for his own wife and Moscow.

Meanwhile, during the coup attempt State Emergency Committee on the morning of August 19, 1991, First Secretary of the Moscow City Committee of the CPSU Yuri Prokofiev over the phone, he offered Luzhkov cooperation, which he refused in harsh terms. The events of August 1991 were later described in the book "72 hours of agony".

On August 24, 1991, without leaving the post of Prime Minister of the Moscow Government, he was appointed one of the deputy chairmen of the Committee for the Operational Management of the National Economy of the USSR, created in place of the Union Council of Ministers (chairman - Ivan Silaev). Responsible for issues related to the agro-industrial complex, trade, foreign economic relations and the social sphere. The committee was disbanded in December 1991 during the liquidation of the USSR.

In September 1991, a conflict arose between the mayor's office and the Moscow City Council in connection with the appointment of a new head of the City Department of Internal Affairs (GUVD) of Moscow. The Moscow Council appointed to this post Vyacheslav Komissarov, whose candidacy was opposed by Popov and Luzhkov. Popov ignored the decision of the Moscow City Council and appointed him head of the Moscow City Internal Affairs Directorate Arkadia Murasheva.

In December 1991, the Moscow government, at the insistence of Luzhkov, declared Arkady Murashev unsuitable for his position due to his reluctance to use the police to disperse street vendors and unauthorized rallies. The use of the police in solving urban problems will then become quite commonplace for Luzhkov. For example, he often issued decrees banning street hand-selling of herbs, vegetables and fruits, after which police raids were carried out on poor grandmothers with dill.

Murashev himself hinted that the real reason for the government's dissatisfaction was an investigation into the receipt of bribes by two employees Mosprivatization and the possible involvement of higher officials in this. Thanks to Popov's support, Murashev remained as head of the Central Internal Affairs Directorate until the end of 1992.

In February 1992, Luzhkov, along with Popov and Murashev, was accused by deputies of the Moscow Council of “acting for personal reasons” in the performance of official duties, which resulted in the ban on the pro-communist demonstration on February 23, 1992 and the use of police to disperse it.

In 1991-1993, Luzhkov had a very close relationship with "Bridge", his master Gusinsky. It was then almost an analogue of the System. But as the media holding developed, Most became less and less manageable. They were connected with Luzhkov common enemies (Korzhakov, who carried out the raid on “Most”, aimed at Luzhkov at the same time and to an even greater extent), but the interests of yesterday’s friends diverged. “Most” not only sought to play an independent role, but even ideologically disagreed with the mayor’s office, although it remained in the same building with it.

And although the divorce from Gusinsky took place without a formal scandal (equally unnecessary for both sides), Luzhkov made a conclusion for himself from the story of “Most’s betrayal”: relations with the media must be built clearly, the media should not be “friendly”, but “their own”.

At the beginning of 1992, a conflict arose between Luzhkov and the Deputy Director of the Moscow Mayor’s Department, Doctor of Economics Larisa Piyasheva, which proposed an alternative version of the privatization program and accused the Moscow Government of trying to maintain the power of officials.

Piyasheva’s program provided for the complete privatization of consumer services and trade enterprises with the transfer of premises to the ownership of workers, while Luzhkov insisted on the privatization of enterprises by collectives on the terms of renting premises that remained in municipal ownership - thereby maintaining the ability to control the activities of privatized objects. Thanks to Popov's intervention, part of Piyasheva's program was included in the official program of the Moscow government, but in practice privatization was carried out according to Luzhkov.

At the beginning of 1992, Luzhkov changed the structure of the Moscow government and formed its new composition, naming it after the model of the federal government Yeltsin-Burbulis-Gaidar"government of economic reforms".

On March 10, 1992, he addressed a statement to the Supreme Council of Russia, in which he called for a ban on the so-called “Congress of People’s Deputies of the USSR,” organized by deputies who did not recognize the collapse of the USSR, and the “National Assembly,” convened on the initiative of "Labor Russia".

In April 1992, together with Popov, he signed the resignation letter of the Moscow government, in solidarity with the Russian government headed by the Deputy Prime Minister Egor Gaidar, who resigned in protest against the resolution of the VI Congress of People's Deputies of Russia on the progress of economic reform, and characterizing the demarche of the deputies as an attack by conservative forces on reforms. As a result of the events that subsequently unfolded at the Congress, the resignation of both governments did not take place.

On June 6, 1992, Moscow Mayor Gavriil Popov resigned due to interruptions in the supply of food products to the population, some of which had to be distributed using coupons, in limited quantities. By decree of Russian President Boris Yeltsin, Luzhkov was appointed mayor of Moscow (while retaining the post of prime minister of the Moscow government) and was subsequently re-elected to this post three times (in 1996 he scored 87.5%, in 1999 - 69.89%, in 2003 - 74.81% of the vote; he was elected deputy mayor together with Luzhkov the first two times, then the post ceased to be elective). In the course of the gradual constitutional reform of the legislative branch, Luzhkov managed to form an obedient Moscow Council instead of the Moscow Council, which was not under his control. City Duma and became the sovereign master of his region.

The Moscow Council tried to challenge the legality of Yeltsin's decree on the appointment of Luzhkov as mayor of Moscow and twice called elections for a new head of the capital's administration, but nothing came of it. The first resolution of the Moscow City Council, which scheduled elections for December 5, 1992, was overturned by the Moscow City Court. The legality of the cancellation was later confirmed by the Supreme Court of Russia.

The second decision of the Moscow Council, which scheduled elections for February 28, also failed to be implemented. In none of these cases did Luzhkov try to stand as a candidate for the post of head of the administration, from the very beginning he relied on recognizing the elections as illegal. After his appointment as mayor, he announced continuity of policy, but soon Piyasheva was dismissed from the mayor’s General Department “due to staff reduction”, and was removed from the Moscow Government Yuri Andreev, responsible for privatization. Measures were also outlined to tighten control over the activities of privatized enterprises.

From that time on, the rules of small and medium-sized street trading in Moscow began to change constantly and unpredictably - usually towards greater regulation and restrictions. However, in practice, businessmen found ways to circumvent these restrictions: firstly, by bribing the police and minor officials, and secondly, since restrictions and prohibitions, as a rule, have the nature of another campaign, which after some time comes to naught.

In October 1992, Luzhkov issued a decree banning the sale of domestic alcoholic beverages in commercial stalls and private stores, while giving the police broad powers to combat illegal trade. After a short-term disappearance, vodka and other alcoholic drinks reappeared in commercial tents, although no one canceled the regulation.

Since 1992, Luzhkov has regularly issued orders banning street hand-selling of herbs, vegetables and fruits, after which police raids are usually carried out on old women selling herbs. After outraged articles in the press, the raids were stopped, only to be resumed a few months later with equally no results.

With some reservations, Luzhkov in 1992 generally positively assessed the results of Yegor Gaidar’s activities, believing that he managed to “make the ruble work.” During Yeltsin's confrontation with the Congress of People's Deputies of Russia over Gaidar in December 1992, he actively supported the president. He organized a rally of heavy truck drivers in support of Yeltsin (trucks demonstratively drove around the Kremlin shortly after the president’s speech at the Congress).

After being appointed Prime Minister in December 1992 Viktor Chernomyrdin expressed satisfaction that the government is headed by a “business executive.”

On May 1, 1993, Luzhkov authorized the dispersal of a communist demonstration that deviated from the permitted route, which resulted in mass clashes between demonstrators and the police, which resulted in serious casualties on both sides, and one policeman was killed.

In August - September 1993, together with Deputy Prime Minister Oleg Lobov spoke out against the chairman of the State Property Committee Anatoly Chubais(“what is happening in the field of privatization is a crime”). He believed that privatization should bring significant income to the budget (in particular, to the city budget), and not be an end in itself. He opposed the sale of shares of large Moscow enterprises for vouchers or at auctions, insisting that they be distributed primarily among members of labor collectives, as well as among entrepreneurs who had already proven their usefulness for the city.

In response, Chubais accused the mayor of Moscow of the fact that privatization in the capital was taking place in violation of Russian legislation, and the then head Analytical Center for socio-economic policy under the President Petr Filippov stated that " with the connivance of the Moscow administration, the number of points for accepting applications for auctions is artificially limited..., “undesirable buyers” are cut off".

Ultimately (in 1994), the conflict between Luzhkov and Chubais was resolved in favor of Luzhkov: by presidential decree, "special privatization procedure", which Luzhkov sought: 20% of the shares of privatized Moscow enterprises were reserved for the state (in fact, for the mayor’s office), the choice of privatization options is determined by the mayor’s office, the mayor’s office has the right to withdraw from the privatized property areas that it considers “unused.”

In August 1993, he opposed the Law adopted by the Supreme Council Russian Federation“On the right of citizens to freedom of movement, choice of place of stay and residence within the Russian Federation,” calling it “a law that torpedoes Moscow.” The Moscow government refused to implement this law and did not abolish compulsory registration (“registration”) even after the freedom to choose a place of residence was confirmed by the new Constitution adopted in a referendum on December 12, 1993. For nonresidents, Luzhkov considered it necessary to introduce visa regime. Only with the help of registration (mandatory registration) and a visa regime, according to the mayor, was it possible to protect the capital from alien criminal elements. He has always advocated that citizens of CIS countries should obtain a residence permit to live in Moscow.

In September-October 1993, during the constitutional crisis, he sided with Yeltsin. By his order, the Supreme Council building, along with nearby residential buildings, was cut off from all communications. He ordered the violent dispersal of rallies and demonstrations of opposition supporters. Demanded the arrest of the Deputy Chairman of the Moscow City Council Yuri Sedykh-Bondarenko, whom he considered “one of the main organizers of the riots in Moscow.”

September 24, 1993 and. O. president Alexander Rutskoy published by one who did not have legal consequences decree dismissing Luzhkov from the post of mayor of Moscow. Subsequently, Luzhkov continued to perform his duties until the mayoral elections in 1996, in which he won.

After the seizure of the city hall building by parliament supporters and the attempted siege of the television station "Ostankino" spoke on television on the night of October 3-4, 1993 and - unlike Gaidar, who called supporters of democracy to the barricades of the Moscow City Council - called on everyone to refrain from going out into the streets.

In November 1993, Luzhkov introduced a “special procedure for the stay of citizens permanently residing outside Russia” in Moscow, which provided for their mandatory registration and charging them a fee. Although as a result of these measures neither the so-called “Caucasian crime” nor the “Caucasian dominance” in small trade were overcome (both criminals and traders successfully pay off the police with bribes), Luzhkov’s popularity in Moscow increased sharply. At the same time, in the republics North Caucasus and Azerbaijan repressions in Moscow against "persons of Caucasian nationality" caused outrage, including threats to use similar measures against local Russians (in the capital of Chechnya, Grozny, these threats were carried out by the regime Dzhokhara Dudayeva).

In December 1993, he tried to evict a writer from Moscow Valentina Rasputina, who at one time received housing and temporary registration in Moscow as a member of the Presidential Council under Gorbachev(as Literaturnaya Gazeta reported, by order of Luzhkov, Rasputin had his telephone and electricity cut off in order to speed up his eviction). Alexander Solzhenitsyn Luzhkov, on the contrary, assisted in the return of the apartment taken from him during deportation and in the acquisition of a new house.

In November 1994 he awarded large group military personnel, police officers and employees of the Federal Counterintelligence Service (FSK) with watches and laptop computers for participating in the harvesting campaign in the Moscow region - on the same day he himself received the title from the Ministry of Defense lieutenant colonel(Before that he was a senior lieutenant in the reserve).

With the beginning of military operations of Russian troops in Chechnya and bombings in late November - December 1994 Grozny Ministers of the Moscow government, on their own behalf, as well as on behalf of the Moscow government, expressed on television their full support for the actions of President Yeltsin.

In 1995-1996, Luzhkov repeatedly expressed his support for the policies of the president and government in Chechnya. In December 1994, he sent to the State Duma for consideration a bill providing for imprisonment for up to two years for living in Moscow without registration.

In December 1994, Luzhkov established the first commercial television company in Russia - "Teleexpo".

In April 1995, at the request of Prime Minister Viktor Chernomyrdin, he took part in the creation of the movement "Our home is Russia"(NDR), delegating the Deputy Prime Minister of Moscow to the organizing committee of the NDR and supported it in the Duma elections at the end of the same year, but he himself avoided joining the NDR.

During the parliamentary elections of 1995, he supported the NDR list - while in the Moscow single-mandate districts, the NDR, at his request, did not nominate its official nominees, and the mayor's office supported certain candidates of its choice. After the defeat of the NDR in the elections (third place after and), he expressed confidence that Chubais’s policies were to blame for this (this thesis was later repeated by President Yeltsin).

From January 1996 to 2000 - member Federation Council by position. He became a member of the Federation Council Committee on Constitutional Legislation and Judicial and Legal Issues.

In 1996, Luzhkov took an active part in the campaign to re-elect Yeltsin as president for a second term, combining with it his (obviously win-win) campaign for the mayoral election.

On June 17, 1996, he was elected mayor of Moscow, receiving 88.49% of the votes (communist Valery Shantsev, who suspended his membership in the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, was a candidate for vice-mayor paired with Luzhkov).

In July 1996, Luzhkov formed a new city government, in which he retained the post of chairman. The powers of a member of the Federation Council were confirmed on July 17, 1996.

After terrorist bombings on Moscow trolleybuses on July 11 and 12, 1996, Luzhkov spoke on television about the need to “remove from Moscow... the entire Chechen diaspora.” In this regard, the public fund "Publicity" sent to the Prosecutor General of the Russian Federation Yuri Skuratov filing a request to initiate a criminal case against Luzhkov under Article 74-2 (violation of the equality of citizens on the basis of race, nationality or religion, committed by an official). A similar request was sent to the Moscow prosecutor’s office jointly by the human rights center "Memorial" And Moscow Helsinki Group(MHG). In connection with the beatings of Caucasians in Moscow during the police operation "Want", the Azerbaijani Organization of Turkic Nationalist Youth (OTNM) issued a threat in August 1996 to take retaliatory measures (" Russians live in Azerbaijan, whose fate directly depends on the events taking place in Russia").

Shortly after his imprisonment in August 1996 Alexander Lebed Khasavyurt agreements called their signing " a step inconsistent with Russia's interests" And " capitulation" in front of the militants. Assessing the situation in Belarus on the eve of the referendum, to which the President of Belarus Alexander Lukashenko and the Supreme Council of the Republic of Belarus put forward two different options for changes to the Constitution of the Republic of Belarus, Luzhkov stated that as a result of the referendum, Belarus found itself at a crossroads, and that the only right choice for Belarus it is presidential republic ("If we talk about my sympathies, they are certainly on the side of the President of Belarus Alexander Lukashenko").

On December 5, 1996, the Federation Council, on Luzhkov’s initiative, recognized Sevastopol part of the territory of the Russian Federation and qualified the actions of the Ukrainian leadership to “reject” this part as contrary to international law. In December 1996, Luzhkov participated in a meeting of governors of donor regions (St. Petersburg, Samara region and others), at which it was proposed to change the taxation procedure for regions.

In January 1997, after the State Duma adopted changes to the law "About road funds", which provides for the refusal to allocate funds for the construction of roads in the city and the reduction of subventions from the federal budget, accused the State Duma of “economic discrimination against Moscow” and announced his intention to challenge the State Duma’s decision in the Constitutional Court.

In February 1997 at the congress "Russia-Belarus: past, present, future" stated that the best form of unification of the two republics is a confederation. Speaking about the structure of Russia, Luzhkov said that there are too many federal subjects in Russia now - the optimal thing would be to create 10-12 large territorial entities.

In March 1997, he stated that there is a “fifth column” in Belarus that seeks to tear the republic away from Russia,” and that “ There are no restrictions on freedom of speech or the media in Belarus".

At a meeting of the Russian-Belarusian unification forum in May 1997, the Union named Gaidar, Chubais and Boris Berezovsky which, in his opinion, " subject to foreign influence".

In April 1997, he was delegated by the Federation Council to the joint commission to summarize the results of the national discussion and to finalize the draft Charter of the Union of Belarus and Russia.

On March 10, 1997, by presidential decree, he was introduced to the State Commission for the Year of Accord and Reconciliation (by agreement). On the May Day holidays of 1997, speaking in Moscow to veterans of the Great Patriotic War and at a meeting of trade unions, he said, regarding housing and communal reform in Russia, that prices for housing and utilities in Moscow would not increase. He also stated that the results of privatization in Russia should be reviewed.

After the signing of documents on Crimea and Sevastopol by the presidents of Russia and Ukraine in Kyiv in May 1997, he called this step “wrong” and stated that “ Sevastopol is a Russian city, and it will be Russian no matter what decisions are made".

On November 18, 1997, at the ceremony of presenting medals dedicated to 850th anniversary of Moscow, heads of the Internal Affairs Directorate of the cities of the “Golden Ring” of the Russian Federation, spoke out in favor of “ review bad privatization and restore state regulation of industry"and condemned" redistribution of property, which is reinforced by the criminal activities of some members of the government, namely Chubais".

In December 1997, he held the next elections to the Moscow City Duma, ensuring complete victory for the unofficial “mayor's office list” (28 out of 35). A supporter of Luzhkov again became the Chairman of the Moscow City Duma Vladimir Platonov.

In January 1998, he supported the statement of the Minister of Internal Affairs of the Russian Federation Anatoly Kulikova about the possibility of carrying out preventive strikes on terrorist bases on the territory of Chechnya (“I have a positive attitude towards Kulikov’s statement. Bandit attacks, similar to the recent attack on military unit in Buinaksk, cannot remain unanswered. Stay out of our territory. Strike a blow - receive retribution").

On May 20, 1998, Luzhkov was confirmed as the representative of the Russian Federation in the House of Representatives of the Congress of Local and Regional Authorities of Europe.

In early September 1998, after the failure of Chernomyrdin’s candidacy in the State Duma during the vote to approve him as Prime Minister, State Duma deputies included him in the list of candidates for the post of Chairman of the Government of the Russian Federation. Luzhkov said that he did not make it a condition of his appointment as prime minister that he retain the position of mayor of Moscow, which was interpreted by the media as his agreement, but almost simultaneously he also said that “there was no possibility of his appointment to the post of prime minister and is not expected.”

On September 30, 1998, speaking at a press conference in London, he stated that if he did not see a worthy candidate in the 2000 elections, he would himself fight for the post of President of Russia.

On December 19, 1998, at the founding congress of the All-Russian political public organization(OPOO) "Fatherland" Luzhkov was unanimously elected leader of the organization.

In February 1999, the published report of the US State Department on human rights violations in Russia included Luzhkov along with RNU and “anti-Semitic communists” for registration and connivance with police actions against Caucasians. On March 31, 1999, he moved from the Federation Council Committee on Constitutional Legislation and Judicial and Legal Issues to the Federation Council Committee on Budget, Tax Policy, Financial, Currency and Customs Regulation, and Banking Activities. In May 1999, Luzhkov announced his intention to hold early elections for the mayor of Moscow, combining them with the State Duma elections in December 1999.

In May 1999, he disapproved of the resignation of the government Evgenia Primakova.

On July 3, 1999, speaking in Munich, he announced that “under certain conditions” he would not participate in the presidential elections.

In August 1999, he repeatedly confirmed that he would not run for president if Primakov agreed to run for this post.

In 1999, Luzhkov was deprived of the protection of the Federal Security Service (FSO).

In August 1999, together with Primakov and the governor of St. Petersburg Vladimir Yakovlev headed the voting bloc "Fatherland - All Russia"(OVR).

On September 17, 1999, he officially announced his decision to run for the post of mayor of Moscow in the early elections on December 19, 1999, and again named Shantsev as his candidate for vice mayor. At the same time, he was included under N2 in the central part of the list of candidates for State Duma deputies from the OVR bloc.

On December 19, 1999, he won the elections for the mayor of Moscow, gaining 69.89% of the votes ( Sergey Kiriyenko, who took second place - 11.25%). He was also elected to the State Duma on the OVR list, receiving 13.33% (2nd place), but refused the mandate. The powers of a member of the Federation Council were confirmed on January 5, 2000.

His criticism of the current President and calls for an early resignation were unexpected. The mayor's career did not suffer at all. On the contrary, having become a member of the Federation Council, as the head of a subject of the federation, Luzhkov held significant positions - he was a member of the committee on the budget, currency regulation, tax policy, and banking. In 2000 he became a member of the State Council of the Russian Federation.

At the beginning of February 2000, Luzhkov refused to run for the post of President of Russia, as the initiative group of voters of the Samara region, headed by Nikolai Zubkov.

In the presidential elections on March 26, 2000, Luzhkov's Fatherland officially supported his candidacy Vladimir Putin. In June-July 2000, during the discussion in the Federation Council of the presidential package of bills on reforming the upper house of parliament, he took a cautious position, but the mayor’s protege, Chairman of the Moscow City Duma, Platonov actually headed (together with the President of Chuvashia Nikolai Fedorov) resistance to reform on the part of some senators.

In July 2000, Luzhkov was provided with the protection of the Federal Security Service (FSB) - instead of the FSO, whose services Yeltsin deprived him of in 1999.

On July 28, 2000, the Ostankino Intermunicipal Court recognized the facts presented in the TV report as untrue Dorenko in November 1999, that the hospital was in Budennovsk It was not the Moscow mayor who restored it, but the head of the Mobitex company, Beget Paccoli. According to the court decision, Dorenko must pay the plaintiff 25 thousand rubles, and ORT must pay 50 thousand rubles.

In August 2000, having received from the hands of President Putin Order of Honor, gave a speech of gratitude, in which he was offended by the insignificance of the award. (" This is a serious, strong indicator of your attitude towards Moscow, your attitude towards Muscovites. Vladimir Vladimirovich, we wish you success in this work. I would like to say, of course, we wish you good luck, but let this good luck be the result of work, the result of your efforts, and not the result of some random moments. Although random luck is also a pleasant thing").

On April 12, 2001, Luzhkov and at a joint press conference announced the intention of the Fatherland movement and the party "Unity" create "a unified political structure and a unified political party"However, on May 28, Shoigu said that there would be no unification of the Unity party and the Fatherland movement into a single party - there would be a coalition.

June 5, 2001 at the Moscow conference regional organization"Fatherland" Luzhkov said that the movement would be transformed into a party no later than October 2001.

In June 2001, by order of Luzhkov, a council of elders consisting of 37 people was created at the mayor's office. The members of the council were the most experienced and authoritative former leaders of the executive committee of the Moscow City Council and the city government, who had worked in executive bodies for at least 20 years, as well as deputies of the Moscow City Council, who were elected to its composition at least four times. In May 2001, Yuri Luzhkov, after the adoption of a plan for reorganizing the electric power industry, said that he considered the privatization of Russian energy systems a “major mistake.” " The new owner will simply not care about the consumer’s problems: if you don’t pay, we’ll turn it off. This path is a dead end for us, especially since in many developed capitalist countries, for example, in France, the energy sector is under state control and works great". (IA "Rosbalt" 05/23/2001)

On July 12, 2001, at the founding congress, he became, together with Shoigu, co-chairman of the All-Russian Union of the Unity Party and the Fatherland Movement.

In August 2001, he banned bullfighting in Moscow, despite the fact that the organizers of the spectacle wanted to present a bloodless “Portuguese” version of a fight with a bull.

On September 29, 2001, he reported that the Moscow government filed a lawsuit regarding the illegality of his removal from office general director"Mosenergo" Alexandra Remezova. According to Luzhkov, "the expulsion of the general director of the energy company and the appointment of the acting head of Mosenergo" Arkadia Evstafieva, is dangerous because he is not a specialist in the field of energy, is not familiar with the structure of Mosenergo and is unlikely to know what Ohm’s law is.”

On October 13, 2001, at the congress of the Fatherland movement, Luzhkov called on delegates to create a united party with Unity. He emphasized that this party will " a massive, powerful, influential political force capable of being responsible for the fate of the country".

On December 1, 2001, at the founding congress of the All-Russian Party "Unity and Fatherland" he was elected co-chairman of the Supreme Council of the party (together with Sergei Shoigu and Mintimer Shaimiev).

On February 15, 2002, Luzhkov sharply criticized the work of the Kremlin administration. Speaking at an all-Russian seminar of party activists, he said that the presidential administration works “without a clear understanding of functions, goals and responsibilities.” He also proposed to clarify the functions of the presidential administration in a special law in order to eliminate the situation when this body " often acts as a kind of second government in relation to the main cabinet of ministers and other government structures".

On September 13, 2002, he spoke out in favor of restoration on Lubyanka Square in Moscow monument to Felix Dzerzhinsky, emphasizing that this does not mean “returning to the past.”

In December 2002, in a letter addressed to the President of the Russian Federation, Luzhkov proposed reviving the idea of ​​“turning the Siberian rivers,” rejected by the CPSU Central Committee in 1986, at the very beginning of “perestroika.” According to Luzhkov, the project is relevant because “our century will be characterized by the sale of fresh water on the world market in volumes comparable to the volumes of oil sales. At the same time, the price of sold water, as the existing small experience shows, will steadily increase, and all costs the infrastructure for water trade will be more effective than the infrastructure for trade, for example, oil, since water is a renewable resource, while oil is not.”

On January 16, 2003, the Moscow City Court upheld the claim of the Prosecutor General's Office and declared the norm of the capital's charter allowing the election of a vice-mayor to be contrary to federal legislation and not subject to application. Luzhkov filed a cassation appeal to Supreme Court RF. He asked the Supreme Court to make a new decision on the case and refuse the request of the Prosecutor General's Office.

On February 11, 2003, Luzhkov criticized the management of the complex of property and land relations in the capital for a sharp increase in rents in the city.

On March 28, 2003, the Supreme Court of Russia confirmed the correctness of the decision of the Moscow City Court, which prohibited Muscovites from electing the vice-mayor of Moscow. Thus, the court rejected Luzhkov's cassation appeal.

On May 1, 2003, at a trade union meeting, he sharply criticized the federal government, which, according to him, " serves not the real sector of the economy, but the oligarchs, serving only them... This is a shame". At the same meeting he spoke out against Russia's entry into WTO, since from this " the resource-extracting industries will benefit, that is, the oligarchs again, and Russian production will be uncompetitive".

On June 15, 2003, Luzhkov announced that he had addressed the President of Russia and the Security Council in connection with unsatisfactory performance "Mosenergo". We were talking about frequent power outages and accidents in the system.

On June 17, 2003, right at a meeting of the city administration, Luzhkov fired the head of the capital's land inspection Igor Chekulaev for " insufficiently tough" attitude towards cases of misuse and land squatting".

On September 3, 2003, at the XVI book fair-exhibition, a presentation of Luzhkov’s book “The Mayor and About the Mayor” took place.

September 17, 2003 Moscow City regional office The United Russia party invited Yuri Luzhkov to head the party's regional list in the State Duma elections.

On September 20, 2003, he was included in the federal list of the United Russia party at No. 3 in the central part of the list for participation in the elections to the State Duma of the fourth convocation.

In October 2003, at a meeting between Putin and the Prime Minister of Japan Junichiro Koizumi it was decided to create "Council of the Wise", who would develop cooperation in strategic plan between Russia and Japan on economic, political, cultural, educational and scientific issues.

On October 20, 2003, at the end of the meeting, Putin said that he considered Luzhkov a suitable candidate for the post of co-chairman of the Council of Wise Men. Luzhkov agreed to head the Council on behalf of the Russian side.

On October 22, 2003, at a meeting of the Moscow government, after hearing reports from officials on the state of the water consumption accounting system in the capital, Luzhkov announced that he would change the team of officials of the Housing and Communal Services Department because of their dishonest work.

On December 7, 2003, he won the elections for the mayor of Moscow, gaining 74.82% of the votes. Luzhkov's closest rival, Alexander Lebedev, received 12%. Refused the mandate of a State Duma deputy.

On March 16, 2004, during a serious crisis in Georgian-Adjarian relations, which threatened to turn into war, Luzhkov unexpectedly arrived in Batumi. Moreover, to do this, he had to fly on his own plane to Turkish Trabzon (Adjara’s airspace was closed), and then drive across the border by car. After a meeting with the Adjarian leader Aslan Abashidze stated that the “escalation of the situation” does not come from Adjara, and from Tbilisi. He also said that he came to Batumi “not to interfere in the internal affairs of Georgia, but as a person close to Abashidze.”

On March 17, 2004, the Russian Foreign Minister stated that the Russian leadership supports Luzhkov's initiative to resolve the conflict between the Georgian and Ajarian authorities. According to Lavrov, the day before the former Minister of Foreign Affairs Igor Ivanov asked the President of Georgia to receive Luzhkov and received consent to this.

On May 6, 2004, the head of Adjara Abashidze, after negotiations with the Chairman of the Russian Security Council Igor Ivanov, resigned and flew to Moscow. On the night of May 6, 2004, Luzhkov met Abashidze and his son Georgiy, the mayor of Batumi, at Vnukovo-2 airport.

In May 2004, Forbes magazine assessed the condition of Luzhkov's wife Elena Baturina at $1.1 billion, placing her in 35th place on the list of the richest Russians.

On June 2, 2004, Georgian President Mikheil Saakashvili announced that “all economic interests of Yuri Luzhkov in Adjara will be confiscated.” Luzhkov's press secretary Sergei Tsoi, commenting on the statement, said: " The capital's mayor has no personal economic interests in Adjara, but only the interests of Moscow and Muscovites". He also noted that Saakashvili’s phrase about “buying up stolen goods in Abkhazia” is “at least unkind towards the mayor and government of Moscow.”

On July 23, 2004, Luzhkov filed a lawsuit for the protection of honor and dignity against the director of the State Institute of Art Studies Alexey Komech and the Rossiya TV channel. The reason was Komech’s statements in an interview with the TV channel that the reconstruction project of the Central Exhibition Hall "Manege", damaged in a fire in May 2004, did not receive the necessary approvals from federal authorities.

On August 5, 2004, Luzhkov visited Abkhazia. According to the press service of the Moscow government, during this unofficial trip issues of providing humanitarian aid its population, including Russian citizens living there. Meanwhile, the Georgian State Minister for Conflict Resolution Georgy Khaindrava expressed dissatisfaction with the visit of the Moscow mayor to Sukhumi, which was not coordinated with Tbilisi. Calling the visit "completely incomprehensible to them," he said that " the discussion at the meeting was supposed to be about the restoration of the Sochi-Sukhumi railway".

In December 2004, in an interview with Izvestia, he said that according to social programs: support for veterans, pensioners, young families and so on, the Moscow government does " more than even in such a socially oriented country as Sweden".

In the same interview, Luzhkov had to answer questions about his wife’s business for the umpteenth time: “ I am reporting to you absolutely officially - for the 15 years that my wife has headed the Inteko company (by the way, Elena started doing business even before I became mayor), she has not won a single municipal construction tender, except for the last one - development of Molzhaninovo. And then the newspapers wrote that she did it absolutely unsuccessfully from a business point of view - the development of the site, engineering, and social infrastructure would be expensive. I don’t care whether it’s successful or not, it’s her business, her decision. I don’t consider my wife’s business to be something that would discredit our family and our surname".

In 2004, in the very center of Moscow it was demolished Hotel "Moscow". It was planned to build a new one in its place. However, Luzhkov soon said that he liked the view that opened up over the city after the demolition and that it would be nice to create a new square here - the largest in Europe. There was a heated debate on the issue, with many supporting the mayor.

In February 2005, Luzhkov, however, stated that the hotel “will be completely restored to the dimensions and architecture that it had before the demolition.”

On February 16, 2005, he stated that he intended to appeal to the Constitutional Court of Russia a number of provisions of the law on the monetization of benefits and that he considered this law “wrong.”

In April 2005, he said that officials were trying to deceive him when he traveled around Moscow. That's why he only says in the morning where he will go.

In June 2005, he sharply opposed the spread of gambling establishments in Moscow: " I will support any radical solution to this issue. What is happening in the city now is complete depravity and moral deformity... The decision that local authorities cannot interfere in the activities of gambling establishments was made without our consent. This is political sadism!". On June 23, 2005, he signed a decree “On measures for personnel renewal and formation of a reserve,” according to which, by the end of 2005, many key positions were to be filled by young people no older than 35 years old, and activists of youth associations were to become consultants to officials.

On July 6, 2005, deputies of the Moscow City Duma adopted in the first reading the law “On public positions in the city of Moscow,” developed in Luzhkov’s office. This document guaranteed the mayor, after his resignation, a state dacha, special communications, a state car, bodyguards and a monthly payment of about 115 thousand rubles until he gets a new job. On July 30, 2005, he announced his intention to sue. He accused him of stealing 49% of the company's shares "Sibneft-Yugra", created by the Moscow government, Sibneft and SibirEnergy. It was about the theft of funds from the city, " which would be enough to provide Moscow with oil for 40 years"- said Luzhkov.

At the end of July 2005, he signed a decree on the creation of a youth movement in Moscow "Civil Shift" and allocated 3 million rubles from the city budget to finance it.

In September 2005, the Moscow organization of the United Russia party entrusted Luzhkov with leading the party list in the elections to the Moscow City Duma. The first three of the list also included the Chairman of the Moscow City Duma Vladimir Platonov and his deputy Andrey Metelsky.

Since October 2005 - member of the Council under the President of the Russian Federation for the implementation of priority national projects.

In October 2005, he decided to abolish the post of vice-mayor, which remained vacant after Shantsev left. He distributed the divisions of the complex, which was previously headed by Shantsev, among his first deputies.

On November 15, 2005, on a live television broadcast, TVC called the party of the “Black Hundred plan” and stated that the capital’s authorities “have the strength to prevent their speeches in the bud.”

On November 30, 2005, the Moscow branch of United Russia announced that if it wins the elections to the Moscow City Duma on December 4, 2005, it will propose Luzhkov’s candidacy for the post of mayor in 2007 (provided that the corresponding federal law is passed allowing parties to nominate candidates for the post of head of the region).

On December 1, 2005, he filed a complaint against Chubais directly to the President of the Russian Federation. The reason for the complaint was the proposal expressed the day before by Chubais to turn off the power supply to large enterprises in Moscow if frosts below 25 degrees remain in the city for more than three days.

On December 4, 2005, he was elected to the Moscow City Duma on the United Russia list, but refused his deputy mandate.

On December 20, 2005, he signed a decree according to which letters notifying about any rallies, demonstrations, processions and pickets on the territory of the Central Administrative District of the capital should henceforth be sent personally to the mayor of Moscow. Previously, the Moscow government made decisions on notifications of mass actions with the number of participants over 5 thousand people, and decisions on notifications of processions with the number of participants less than 5 thousand people were made by prefects.

On December 29, 2005, Izvestia published a long interview with Luzhkov. In it, he described Yeltsin (about whom he once said: “One love is Moscow, one love is a wife, one love is a president”) as a person, " which brought a lot of troubles and harm to our state".

On January 21, 2006, he spoke out about the case Slobodan Milosevic: "This is a shame for the European Court, which unjustifiably brought Milosevic to justice and kept him in prison for several years, and now does not know what to do with him, since all their accusations have fallen apart".

On February 15, 2006, he spoke out against Russia’s entry into Worldwide trade organization (WTO).

In March 2006, Georgian Minister of Affairs and Refugee Resettlement Giorgi Kheviashvili announced that the country's government intends to confiscate the real estate of the mayor of Moscow in Abkhazia.

On July 11, 2006, Luzhkov won a lawsuit against Alexander Lebedev. The lawsuit was related to material in the Voikovsky district newspaper “Nash Rayon”, where Lebedev made a number of accusations against Luzhkov, which were recognized by the court as discrediting the honor, dignity and business reputation of the capital’s mayor.

On July 20, 2006, Luzhkov said at a meeting in Sukhumi with the President of Abkhazia Sergei Bagapsh that Moscow will build its relationship with the republic as an independent state, regardless of Tbilisi’s position.

On August 16, 2006, Luzhkov became a knight Order named after Akhmad Kadyrov- the highest award of Chechnya.

On December 20, 2006, Deputy Chairman of the Moscow City Duma, head of the United Russia faction, Andrei Metelsky, announced that the faction would nominate Luzhkov for the post of Mayor of Moscow for a new term in December 2007.

In February 2007, speaking at the Christmas readings, Luzhkov spoke about the “unprecedented pressure” that was put on him from various international circles in connection with the ban gay pride parade. He called such events a “satanic act” and said that he would not allow them to take place in the future.

On February 21, 2007, speaking at the opening ceremony of the “House of Moscow” in Sevastopol, he mentioned “the problems that tore Sevastopol away from Russia, tore Crimea away from Russia.”

On February 26, 2007, the organizers of the gay pride parade that did not take place in May 2006 filed a lawsuit against Luzhkov. The reason for the investigation was a statement by Luzhkov, who called the gay pride parade a “satanic act.”

On June 22, 2007, Putin submitted Luzhkov’s candidacy to the Moscow City Duma for approval for the post of mayor of Moscow.

On June 27, 2007, the Duma approved Luzhkov. Only 3 out of 4 members of the Communist Party faction voted against.

On October 2, 2007, it became known that Luzhkov would lead the Moscow list of United Russia in the State Duma elections on December 2, 2007.

On November 8, 2007, speaking at the conference “Russia and Abkhazia: towards a common economic space” he said: “We are convinced of Abkhazia’s right to build a sovereign state, since Abkhazia is sovereign state. And we (Russia) must take a bold step and decide to recognize the sovereignty of Abkhazia."

On December 2, 2007, Luzhkov was elected to the State Duma of the 5th convocation on the list of United Russia and refused his mandate.

On October 30, 2008, a presentation of Luzhkov’s new book took place "Water and Peace", in which he argues for the need to return to the project of transferring part of the flow of northern rivers to Central Asia.

In the mid-1980s, according to Luzhkov, the river diversion project was ruined by the liberal intelligentsia, who hated this initiative “as one of the megaprojects of the Soviet state, and such projects for a seasoned liberal with a Western accent in his poor head are like a sharp knife ... The blow to the water transfer project had a hidden (another question is that it is clearly recognized by some, but not understood by others) purpose of destroying the unity of destinies, the common history of Russia and Central Asia, and the dismantling of the USSR.” (Kommersant, October 31, 2008).

At the end of 2008, Foreign Policy magazine published a ranking of the most dangerous cities in the world with a record high number of murders per capita. The capital of Russia, Moscow, is also in the top five, along with Caracas, Cape Town, New Orleans and Port Moresby (Papua New Guinea). These megacities surpassed other 130 cities in the world. Moscow, with a population of more than 10 million people and a murder rate of 9.6 per 100,000 inhabitants per year, has earned the fifth place in the ranking of the most dangerous cities in the world.

In 2008, the Public Opinion Foundation conducted a survey of 34 thousand people in 34 constituent entities of the Federation and found that 42% of Muscovites admitted that they had paid bribes official. Moscow was recognized as the most corrupt city in the country. In December 2008, an anti-corruption council was established in Moscow, headed by Luzhkov.

Under Luzhkov, Moscow was consistently among the most expensive cities in the world. Thus, according to the annual rating of the consulting company Mercer in 2006, 2007, 2008, the Russian capital topped the rating of the most expensive megacities in the world (taking into account the cost of 200 goods and services in 143 cities of the world). In 2009, it gave way to the Japanese cities of Tokyo and Osaka: the situation was changed by the crisis and the fall in the exchange rate of the ruble against the dollar.

Being one of the most expensive cities in the world, in terms of the average salary of residents, Moscow lags far behind London or Paris - the gap is 3.5–4 times. According to data from mid-2009, the average salary of a Muscovite is 31,156 rubles. At the same time, prices for key food products in the Russian capital are catching up with European ones, and in terms of the rate of growth in food prices, Russia is significantly ahead of Europe.

The gap between the richest 10% and the poorest 10% has reached a critical level - in 42 times, which is not found in any other region of Russia.

From 1991 to the 2000s, Moscow saw a sharp increase in the number of private road transport. During this period, the number of cars on the city's roads increased almost sixfold, increasing by an average of 150-200 thousand cars per year. Moscow faces serious road congestion with private vehicles. At the same time, many large roads and transport interchanges were built. In the 1990s it was reconstructed MKAD, appeared Third transport ring, the goal of which is to relieve congestion on the capital's roads and reduce traffic jams.

Under Luzhkov, public transport also developed. So, at this time, for the first time in Russia, monorail transport was put into operation, it was expanded Moscow metro. Construction of the first section has begun Fourth transport ring, which according to current plans will become part of Northeast chord. At the same time, under Luzhkov, the Moscow tram suffered losses. The length of tram lines in 1989-2004 was reduced from 460 to 420 km, in particular, due to the expansion of highways, the lines on Prospekt Mira, Nizhnyaya Maslovka and Begovaya Street were closed. Tram passenger traffic in 1995-2010 fell from 1.4 million people per year to 214 thousand.

At the same time, the cost of road construction in Moscow turned out to be the highest in the world - 1 km of the Moscow Ring Road - $100 million; 1 km of the Third Transport Ring - $117 million. However, the record belongs to the four-kilometer section of the Fourth Transport Ring. A kilometer there will cost the Moscow budget $537 million. This more expensive than construction a kilometer of the Channel Tunnel and a kilometer of the Large Hadron Collider. As experts note, given the high cost of road construction under Luzhkov, the problem of traffic jams will never be solved.

In Moscow in the 2000s, prices for services Housing and communal services grew faster than the Russian average. Since 2001, they have grown more than 6 times (in Russia - five times). Moscow inflation is also higher than the Russian average. In the first six months, prices in Moscow, according to official data only, increased by 12.5%, while in Russia by 7.4%. In Moscow, the industrial decline is significantly higher - more than 25–28% in 2009 of 2008 volumes, while in Russia it was 14.8%.

In 2009, Luzhkov was criticized for implementing a program to air-drop silver iodide and dry ice over the Moscow region to redistribute rainfall in the region in order to reduce the cost of cleaning Moscow streets. Environmentalists and the leadership of the Moscow region expressed concern that such an experiment could only do harm environment capitals and regions.

September 2010, Russian central television channels launched a number of documentaries, where they harshly criticized the activities of the mayor. Business, money, connections of Luzhkov himself and all members of his family were publicly discussed. "Lawlessness. Moscow, which we lost", "It's about the cap"- with a ruthless roller they crushed trust and undermined the authority of Yuri Mikhailovich.

In response to a letter to the President of the Russian Federation dated September 27, 2010, in which the mayor expressed indignation at the criticism leveled at him on television.

On September 28, 2010, in response to Luzhkov’s letter, President Dmitry Medvedev signed a decree on the early termination of the powers of the mayor of Moscow Yuri Luzhkov ("To remove Yuri Mikhailovich Luzhkov from the post of mayor of Moscow due to the loss of confidence of the President of the Russian Federation." ... "To appoint Vladimir Iosifovich Resin as acting mayor of Moscow for the period until the person taking office vested with the powers of the mayor of Moscow").

Experts have dubbed Luzhkov a victim of behind-the-scenes intrigue Vladimir Putin. Declaring threats against his family, he moved to live in London; Luzhkov’s daughters were expelled from Moscow State University at will. After his resignation, Luzhkov repeatedly stated that some political forces want to take away his family’s business.

Most of Luzhkov's associates were removed from their positions by the new mayor, criticism of his decisions and actions as mayor for a long time never left the pages of the press, the Internet, or the news feeds of all TV channels. In 2010, he was appointed dean of the Faculty of Management of Large Cities International University in Moscow.

Since 2012, member of the board of directors OJSC United Oil Company(executive body of Ufaorgsintez), controlled by the group AFK System and structures Yakov Goldovsky.

Currently he runs his own farm in Kaliningrad region. In October 2015, he boasted on the radio “Komsomolskaya Pravda”: “ Here in the Kaliningrad region I have 5.5 thousand hectares of land. I have now received a grain harvest from each hectare, including wheat, of 53.6 centners per hectare. Moreover, the wheat is of food grade. And we don't consider this a record. We will continue to add".

Income

According to the Central Election Commission, Luzhkov's income in 2002 was 9 million 148 thousand 150 rubles. He owned a plot of land with an area of ​​25 acres in the Kaluga region and a residential building with an area of ​​62 square meters. meters in the same place, a GAZ-69 car and a car trailer.

The annual income for 2004, declared by Luzhkov as a candidate for the Moscow City Duma in the 2005 elections, amounted to 2 million 438 rubles.

At the end of October 2007, data on Luzhkov’s property and income were made public. He owned four land plots in the Kaluga region, one of which had an area of ​​798 thousand 528 square meters. He also had a residential building with an area of ​​62 square meters in the Kaluga region. meters and an apartment in Moscow with an area of ​​150.3 square meters. meters. Luzhkov's total income in 2006 was 31 million 906 thousand 922 rubles. A 1964 GAZ-69E passenger car and a 2000 trailer were registered to him. He also owned 1.11 million bonds in OJSC KB MIA.

In February 2009, Finance magazine published a new rating Russian billionaires, according to which the Luzhkov-Baturin family has become greatly impoverished. The wife of Yuri Mikhailovich took 45th place in it: the magazine estimated her fortune at $1 billion, that is, according to Finance calculations, she lost about 6 billion.

According to Forbes, in 2009, the wife of Moscow Mayor Yuri Luzhkov “froze” some of the development projects in Moscow and on Ukraine. However, many residential complexes continue to be built: it is cheaper to complete than to abandon.

In July 2009, Elena Baturina published a declaration of income and property for 2008. According to the official newspaper of the Moscow government, Tverskaya, 13, the total income of the wife of the mayor of Moscow amounted to more than 7 billion rubles, which is approximately 1,183 times more than the income of the mayor himself, the Kommersant newspaper calculated.

According to data published on July 4, 2009, Baturina received more than 15 million rubles as wages at its official place of work - Inteko CJSC. This year, Baturina also managed to earn money on development projects (about 440 million rubles) and receive interest on deposits (just under 1.5 million rubles). The main source of income for it was the results of sales operations securities(more than 6.5 billion rubles).

In addition to cash, the wife of the mayor of Moscow owned shares in two Moscow apartments with an area of ​​150 and 159 square meters. m (1/4 and 1/3 share, respectively), and also has an agricultural land plot of 2.85 hectares in the Kursk region. Baturina owns six cars: a 2005 PorscheTurbo S, a 2007 Mercedes-Benz S600 and a 2007 Mercedes-Benz ML63AMG, a 1995 Audi 80, a 1957 Mercedes-Benz S220 and a rare 1934 Talbot-95.

Information about Elena Baturina’s income was made public in accordance with the anti-corruption decree of the President of the Russian Federation of May 18, 2009, according to which officials and members of their families are required to annually provide data on their income for publication in the media. Yuri Luzhkov himself published data on his income and property in the newspaper Tverskaya, 13 - the day after the presidential decree appeared. At the same time, the newspaper noted that the mayor’s wife, Elena Baturina, filed a declaration of income at her place of residence. The publication also reported that the mayor’s daughters Elena (student) and Olga (student) each own only 1/4 of a Moscow apartment. total area 150 sq. m.

The mayor himself, according to published data, is the owner of 6 million rubles, 1/4 share in a Moscow apartment of 150 square meters. m and four land plots in the Kaluga region for beekeeping with a total area of ​​just over 1.1 million square meters. m, a GAZ-69-E car and a trailer for transporting beehives.

The last time Luzhkov published data on his income was in 2007, on the eve of the last Duma elections, in which he headed the United Russia list for Moscow. Then the capital's mayor had much more on his books a large sum- 31 million rubles. In addition, in 2006, Luzhkov owned shares in Norilsk Nickel, LUKOIL, MTS, RAO UES of Russia, Gazprom, Tatneft, Sberbank and others. It is unknown whether shares in leading Russian companies remained in the mayor's ownership, but he acquired a dacha in the Moscow region with a total area of ​​2,531.2 square meters. m. Even if we proceed from a modest estimate of elite housing in Moscow at $6,000/sq. m, approximately, the market value of Luzhkov's dacha is approx. $15 million.

Rumors (scandals)

Since 1993, the Moscow Government has been repeatedly accused of corruption. Thus, there were rumors about unjustified support by the Moscow authorities for certain commercial structures (JSC "Most Group", "Organizing Committee", "Mosinvest", "Mosprivatization", "Moscow Guild").

The press compared the estimated cost of Luzhkov's cottage in a dacha cooperative "Pines" with the size of the mayor’s salary and came to disappointing conclusions - it doesn’t match, it doesn’t correspond, etc. He was offered to publish his income declaration free of charge. Yuri Luzhkov happily ignored all this. However, the most unpleasant story was inflated because of a Moscow journalist Anatoly Baranova, "who dared to approach the coverage of the mayor’s person without due respect"According to some Moscow publications, he was fired from his job, sued for 100 million, telephone threats and constant surveillance "forced a famous reporter and law-abiding citizen to turn into a homeless person, to start the life of an illegal immigrant in his hometown."

In 1994, Luzhkov became the object of intrigue from his boss Presidential Service security Alexandra Korzhakova and Deputy Prime Minister Oleg Soskovets, which culminated in an article in " Rossiyskaya newspaper““Snow is Falling” (November 19) and the force operation “Face into the Snow” on December 2, 1994, apparently directed against the Most Group of Vladimir Gusinsky, but with the main goal of Luzhkov as the then patron of Most.

According to British press reports, the Luzhkov-Baturin family owns a house in London through offshore companies; it is the second largest after Buckingham Palace(residence of the British Queen). Information about the purchase of a mansion "Whitankhurst"(Witanhurst) appeared in July 2008. At the same time, the DailyMail newspaper named the price - $100 million. The newspaper reports that Witanhurst is a 90-room mansion in the Highgate area. One of the largest rooms is a ballroom with an area of ​​70 square meters. ft.

On September 22, 1999, Luzhkov announced that he would sue the German newspaper Bild, which claimed that he had bought horses in Germany in the amount of 150,000 German marks(as TV presenter Sergei Dorenko reported in his information and analytical program on ORT).

In October 1999, he filed a lawsuit for the protection of honor, dignity and business reputation against the magazine "Cult of Personalities", ORT and Dorenko, who announced on television, in particular, that Luzhkov's personal fortune, according to the magazine "Cult of Personalities", is $200-400 million dollars.

On December 3, 1999, the Ostankino Intermunicipal Court decided to recognize as untrue the statements disseminated in Dorenko’s author’s program on September 5, September 26 and October 3; Information about Luzhkov’s personal condition, his acquisition of a plot of land in Spain, and others were recognized as “false, defamatory of honor and dignity.” The court ordered ORT to compensate Luzhkov for moral damage in the amount of 50 thousand rubles, and Dorenko - 100 thousand rubles; ORT and Dorenko are also obliged to refute the information they disseminated “within a period of no more than a week.”

On February 4, 2002, at a meeting of the Moscow government dedicated to the progress of construction in the city, a major scandal occurred. After the speech of Vladimir Resin, who read out a report on the activities of Moscow builders in 2002, Luzhkov took the floor to make a special statement. He presented several collective letters from residents of new buildings complaining about the poor quality of housing. Luzhkov said that for now "glorious SU-155" reports on successes, residents of the capital suffer from the poor quality of work of builders. He also showed photographs of houses and apartments, from which, in his opinion, this conclusion directly follows. The mayor complained that for the poor work of the builders, Muscovites blame him, the mayor, for all the sins. In response, Resin accused Deputy Mayor Valery Shantsev of falsifying photographs. As a result, Yuri Luzhkov decided to create a commission that would deal with the accusations against the builders within five days. Based on the results of her work, Luzhkov said, an appeal to the prosecutor's office is possible. " Your philosophy is making money, you and I are not on the same path", Luzhkov told Resin.

On August 6, 2002, the management of the largest Latvian newspaper Diena published an appeal to the authorities to refuse an entry visa to Luzhkov, whose visit to Riga was scheduled for September 27-28, 2002. Diena accused him of " Great Russian chauvinism" and claimed that he always "contributed to the aggravation of relations between Latvia and Russia", comparing Latvia with "Cambodia during the time of Pol Pot." Diena believed that due to the behavior of the Moscow mayor, a situation had arisen where "in Russian public opinion polls, Latvia turned out to be enemy number two after the United States."

On April 9, 2003, the international human rights organization Privacy International awarded Luzhkov the “Dumb Security” award of the second degree in the category "Sheer stupidity" for his persistent desire to preserve the institution of registration. According to the organization, registration, which is intended to reduce the degree of terrorist threat and crime, does not fulfill its intended function at all, since the police officers checking it can be bought off, according to PrivacyInternational Moscow correspondents, for $5-$10. (Luzhkov lost first place to the Australian government for its active campaign to restrict freedoms in order to counter terrorism in a country where there has never been a single terrorist attack).

In the spring of 2004, reports increasingly began to appear in the press citing “informed sources” that the Kremlin was advising Luzhkov to voluntarily leave his post and that Putin did not like that “ companies controlled by Luzhkov's wife Elena Baturina are making too much profit from the Moscow construction business".

On April 15, 2004, a round table meeting was held at the Moscow Museum of Architecture on the problems of preserving the architectural heritage of the 20th century. Those who gathered there issued an open letter to the president of the country and the mayor of the capital, in which they protested against the policy of extermination of Moscow architectural monuments. It said, in particular: “The construction policy practiced today in Moscow is inherently criminal, anti-social and anti-state, depriving future generations of Russian citizens of historical memory. The destruction of the architectural past in Moscow has a detrimental effect on Russian cities, which also began to rapidly lose their historical appearance. The total destruction of material evidence of the greatness of Russia began. A cultural catastrophe is approaching, which neither the state nor society should tolerate."

On November 14, 2007, the Babushkinsky Court of Moscow fully satisfied Luzhkov’s claim against. According to the court ruling, Limonov and Radio Liberty had to pay Luzhkov 500 thousand rubles each as compensation for moral damage. The reason for the lawsuit was a broadcast on Radio Liberty on April 4, 2007, during which Limonov stated that “Moscow courts are controlled by Luzhkov.” The court ignored the opinion of an expert from the Russian Language Institute, Irina Levontina, who said that Limonov’s phrase, which offended Luzhkov, does not mean that the mayor committed “illegal and immoral actions,” but only characterizes the state of the judicial system in the capital.

Limonov appealed the decision of the Babushkinsky court in the Moscow City Court, but posted a statement on the NBP website: " Since the Moscow courts are in no way controlled by the mayor of Moscow, I expect that the Moscow City Court in the next month will uphold the decision of the Babushkinsky court, obliging me to pay the mayor 500 thousand rubles for his honor and dignity. Being a poor person, I am already starting to collect small change and ask citizens to support me, to help me pay Luzhkov the amount he was awarded. Bring your unwanted coins, preferably copper ones".

On May 11, 2008, speaking in Sevastopol at the celebration of the 225th anniversary of the Black Sea Fleet, in once again stated that Sevastopol was never transferred to Ukraine and that the issue about it remains unresolved (“ We will resolve it in favor of those state positions and the state law that Russia has in relation to its naval base - Sevastopol). He also announced his intention to offer Russian authorities not to renew in 2008 the friendship treaty signed in 1997 between the Russian Federation and Ukraine.

In response to these statements, on May 12, 2008, the Security Service of Ukraine declared Luzhkov persona non grata and imposed an indefinite ban on his entry into the country.

On June 3, 2008, Luzhkov signed a decree of the Moscow government to rename the Bitsevsky Park metro station to "Novoyasenevskaya", and "Business Center" - in "Exhibition". The decision caused bewilderment among many Muscovites, because the leadership of the city and the metro stubbornly refused to rename the station named after the Bolshevik murderer "Voikovskaya", citing the high cost of the event, and then suddenly they found money for two stations with neutral names, leaving Voikov’s memory alone. Also in Moscow there remained the streets of Menzhinsky, Kibalchich, Andropov, Leninsky Prospekt and so on.

On July 1, 2008, speaking at a meeting of the Moscow government, where the target program for implementing state policy towards compatriots abroad for 2009-2011 was discussed, he called for not extending the treaty of friendship and cooperation between Russia and Ukraine (signed in 1998 for 10 years ). " I experience an intellectual blow when I see what is happening in Ukraine in relation to Russia and the Russian language", he explained. According to Luzhkov, in Crimea, Russian language teachers receive lower salaries than other teachers, and in Ukraine it is prohibited to show television programs in Russian without subtitles: " This is the policy of the Ukrainian authorities to squeeze out the Russian language, when the entire left bank and Crimea thinks and speaks Russian".

In July 2008, Luzhkov held a Public Urban Planning Council, which discussed the fate of Provision warehouses on the corner of Ostozhenka and Garden Ring. They had to be “restored” in such a way that, in the opinion of many, the architectural monument would actually perish. Luzhkov referred to the examples of Gostiny Dvor and Tsaritsyn, asking whether their reconstruction had been poorly carried out. “It’s bad,” came single voices from the hall. Luzhkov replied that the people liked it and that “the voice of the people is the voice of God.” “We will not adjust the city’s architecture for you alone,” he said, addressing the objector.

On October 9, 2008, Vedomosti wrote that during the post-Soviet years, about 400 historical buildings, of which 80 are architectural monuments.

On October 22, 2008, the Basmanny Court partially satisfied Luzhkov’s claim against Alexander Lebedev and GQ magazine on the protection of honor and dignity and business reputation. Lebedev and the magazine had to pay Luzhkov 50 thousand rubles each. The reason for the investigation was an interview with Lebedev published in the magazine, taken and Ksenia Sokolova. When asked who could have spread rumors about Putin’s personal life in the Moscow Correspondent newspaper (allegedly Putin leaves his wife and goes to a gymnast and deputy of the State Duma of the Russian Federation Alina Kabaeva), Lebedev suggested that it could be "Yu. M. Luzhkov". During the trial, Lebedev argued that he did not mean the specific mayor of the capital, Yuri Mikhailovich Luzhkov, but simply “a certain Yu. M. Luzhkov, of whom there are quite a lot in the country,” but the court sided with the mayor. This was the fourth defamation lawsuit Lebedev lost to Luzhkov since 2003.

In November 2009, Luzhkov won a defamation case against the politician and the Kommersant publishing house. It was reported that by court decision a million rubles would be recovered from the defendants. In addition, the publication and Nemtsov will be required to refute the information published in the politician’s interview with the newspaper and his report "Luzhkov. Results".

Elena Baturina was included in the first list of the richest entrepreneurs in Russia in 2004 and since then has consistently been on it with a fortune of more than $1 billion (with the exception of the crisis year of 2009, when she was “valued” at $900 million). At the same time, the wife of the former mayor of Moscow invariably remains the richest Russian woman, with $1.2 billion in 2018. In 2010, she and her children had to hastily leave Russia; a year later, the Inteko company, the heart of her entire multi-billion dollar business, was sold. Baturina settled in London, where her daughters began to study, and does business in the UK, Ireland, Austria, Czech Republic, Greece, Italy, Kazakhstan, Morocco, Cyprus and the USA. Anywhere, but not in Russia. What difficulties does she have to face being away from her usual environment?

Remove zero

“Yes, I came out with money. Now I have quite a lot of cash on hand to develop new businesses,” Baturina said in an interview with Forbes in 2011 in one of the luxury Viennese hotels. At one time, Inteko's revenue reached $600 million, the company was building almost 1 million square meters. m per year, it was planned to implement investment projects worth billions of dollars. Now Elena Baturina is acting much more carefully: the amount of investment in individual projects amounts to tens of millions of euros.

Here's an example. In 2011, the Irish real estate market was experiencing a crisis, and the Morrison Hotel, located on one of the central streets of Dublin, became unprofitable and was taken over by the State Asset Management Agency. In March 2012, Baturina’s company bought the hotel for €22 million (an independent estimate was €25 million). Having invested about €8 million in the reconstruction and expansion of the hotel room stock, Baturina received revenue of €12 million and €4.5 million EBITDA in 2017. At the same time, the market value of the hotel, according to Baturina’s managers, tripled, and a press release was even issued about this. Success? Quite modest, if you remember that in 2009 Baturina, as an individual alone, paid $125 million in personal income tax to the Russian budget.

Another example. Living in Russia, the owner of Inteko could easily allocate €100 million for a resort complex project in Morocco. Now she is suing her partner in this project, Alexander Chistyakov, and the court is painstakingly seizing his property worth several million euros.

After the sale of Inteko to Mikail Shishkhanov in the fall of 2011, Baturina could receive, according to estimates, from $200 million to $600 million (the amount of the transaction was not officially disclosed). In addition to Inteko, Baturina sold two cement plants in the Krasnodar region. Seven years later, most of this money, invested in development investment funds in Europe and the USA, forms the basis of Baturina’s fortune; the contribution of “new businesses” is much more modest.

The market value of Baturina’s assets in these funds is $500 million, assures her representative Gennady Terebkov. He refused to name the funds, but Baturina herself named one of them in an interview with Dozhd in 2013 - Queensgate. In April 2012, the management company Queensgate Investments formed the Queensgate Investment Fund I fund for £500 million, planning to invest in commercial real estate.

Queensgate Investments is a partnership of three large and well-known companies in the UK real estate market. One of them is called LJ Investment Group, a multi-family office with assets in excess of $10 billion. Its co-founder and managing partner, Andrew Williams, is also one of three partners at Queensgate Investments. In 2018, Baturina, together with LJ Investments, allocated funds for the construction of two centers psychological assistance Maggie's cancer patients, this allowed the opening of a new center at St. Bartholomew's Hospital and the start of construction of a second center at the Royal Marsden Hospital (both hospitals specialize in cancer).

One among strangers

Charity helps build connections. In 2017, Elena Baturina became one of the trustees of the London Mayor Sadiq Khan Foundation, which helps young Londoners from poor families. The richest woman in Russia, together with other trustees, will determine the composition of the foundation’s charitable programs. Baturina’s own humanitarian foundation, Be Open, supports talented young people in various fields.

However, charity does not open all doors. The population of the tiny commune of Aurach, a few kilometers from Kitzbühel in Tyrol, barely exceeds 1,000 people. The mayor personally congratulates his elderly fellow countrymen on their birthday. It was in this quiet place in the mountains that Elena Baturina decided to buy a house for her family in 2008 for €10 million. Concluding a deal was not easy. The Tyrol authorities hesitated for almost a year before approving it: foreigners are not very welcome here, even if they are investors.

Two years earlier, in 2006, Baturina purchased for €35 million the luxury Grand Tirolia hotel under construction in Kitzbühel (it was being completed under her supervision) and the nearby Eichenheim golf club. The wife of the mayor of Moscow immediately became involved in the public life of Kitzbühel. She sponsored triathlons, founded the JazzaNova music festival and donated money to the ATP tennis tournament. Austrian journalists immediately reported that the Muscovite was trying to win the trust of the Tyrolean establishment. Baturina herself said that her activity is related to the promotion of the hotel and the desire to increase occupancy at any time of the year.

In 2011, after leaving Russia, the family of the former mayor of Moscow sold their first house and wanted to buy a larger estate in the same Aurakh. History repeated itself: the deal was agreed upon again for almost a year. In multimillion-dollar London, Baturina has her own office in Mayfair and a house near Holland Park - and there are no difficulties with the acquisition.

Trustees

In Russia, Baturina had a strong team of top managers. Vice-presidents of Inteko Oleg Soloshchansky and Konstantin Edel worked with her for more than 10 years. In Europe everything is different. Almost immediately after the move, Baturina parted ways with the Austrian management of the company that manages the hotel chain. Baturina also had no luck with her advisors; one of them, according to the Wiener Zeitung newspaper, took bribes, and, having caught him, the owner of the Grand Tirolia hotel stopped sponsorship payments to the ATP.

In 2015, Elena Baturina bought 75% of Hightex, one of the oldest companies in Europe producing membrane structures for sports facilities, walls and facades. A few years earlier, the son of its founder, Klaus-Michael Koch, left the post of CEO of the company. And the company found itself in a pre-bankruptcy state, although Hightex’s order portfolio included huge stadiums in Brazil (“Maracana”) and Johannesburg (“Soccer City”). Baturina again made personnel decisions.

“The management team is based on specialists who worked in the company from its founding until the arrival of the manager, whose activities led to its bankruptcy. That is, today the Hightex team has returned to the composition of the “golden” period of the company,” said Baturina’s representative. Koch owns 25%, he again became the CEO of Hightex. In 2017, the portfolio was replenished with two large orders: the construction of membrane roofs and facades for the Al-Khor stadium in Qatar (the area of ​​the membrane structure is more than 200,000 sq. m) and the installation of membrane elements during the construction of the Canopy of Peace monument in the USA with a height of 50 m (part of the World War II Museum). It is still difficult to judge the effectiveness of the measures taken; financial indicators are not disclosed.

When you leave the country, even your most trusted managers can let you down. In 2013, after a desk audit, the tax service assessed additional VAT with penalties of about 240 million rubles to Elena Baturina’s small Russian company Amoris. The company was headed by former vice-president of Inteko Oleg Soloshchansky. "Amoris" was the customer for the construction of the elite cottage village "Gorki-2". Tax officials proved in court that settlements with one of the subcontractors, Eurolux LLC, were fictitious. “Eurolux LLC, after receiving funds from Amoris LLC, transfers the same banking day or the next cash to one-day organizations that transfer funds to foreign organizations,” the court decision said.

Baturina’s company, through the court, demanded from Oleg Soloshchansky to compensate for losses in the amount of 386 million rubles, which allegedly arose due to the fact that the general director entered into transactions with obviously dishonest counterparties, which led to additional VAT charges. Three days later, a new lawsuit followed against Soloschansky to recover damages in the amount of 1.4 billion rubles - by so much, according to the appraiser hired by Amoris, the costs of building Gorok-2 exceeded the market value of the object. Baturina’s company lost both proceedings; Soloshchansky managed to prove that all transactions were made with the knowledge of the main shareholder, Baturina herself.

Sentimentality in business matters is not typical for Baturina. At the end of 2015 her youngest daughter, 21-year-old Olga, opened the Herbarium bar in her mother’s Grand Tirolia. The girl studied bar culture in New York and Japan, and textbooks also helped, wrote Tatler magazine, which interviewed Olga for the first time. The bar with cocktails based on alpine plants found its customers and is still operating.

And yet, in the spring of 2018, Baturina sold Grand Tirolia along with the famous golf club. It is necessary to increase the number of rooms, but the Tyrol authorities are dragging their feet on approval, Baturina complained in an interview. “The decision was made to invest in more profitable projects,” a representative told Forbes. The details of the transaction were not disclosed; according to the Tiroler Tageszeitung newspaper, the amount was €45 million, and the funds invested in the project could not be returned over 10 years. “Olga now works independently in the field of interior design,” Baturina’s representative told Forbes. The eldest daughter Elena works in the marketing department of a hotel chain and is preparing to launch her own project in the hotel business.

What “more profitable projects” can we talk about? Baturina’s representative does not comment on this, but there are many projects in her portfolio. In 2019, the volume of investments in alternative energy and improving the energy efficiency of enterprises will reach €40 million, a pilot project - optimization of energy consumption of the Paradisiotis company, one of largest producers meat in Cyprus. Financial indicators are not disclosed, nor is the number of employees. Here in Cyprus, on the coast of Limassol, Baturina is building a luxury 12-storey residential complex, investments again amounting to tens of millions of euros. In 2015, Baturina’s company purchased a building with an area of ​​1,500 square meters for $10 million. m in Brooklyn for redevelopment. The list of such relatively modest purchases could take a long time.

In 2008, Elena Baturina's fortune reached a record $4.2 billion. Will it ever be possible to repeat this result on a new basis?

Elena Nikolaevna Baturina is the richest woman in the Russian Federation, billionaire, ex-owner and co-founder of one of the largest metropolitan business empires, Inteco, chairman of the supervisory board of Inteco Management, wife of Moscow Mayor Yuri Luzhkov, who was dismissed in 2010.

She is the creator of an international high-class hotel chain, including the Grand Tirolia complex with a golf course in the Austrian ski resort town of Kitzbühel, the New Peterhof hotel in the northern capital of Russia, a hotel as part of the new generation business center Moscow Park in Kazakhstan (Astana ), QuisisanaPalace in the Czech Republic (Karlovy Vary), Morrison Hotel in the capital of Ireland.

In 2016, the businesswoman once again, for the fourth time, topped the list of the country's wealthiest women by Forbes version. This publication estimated her finances at $1.1 billion. In 2008, according to the same magazine, she owned $4.2 billion.

Childhood and family of Elena Baturina

The first Russian female billionaire was born into a Moscow working-class family on March 8, 1963, seven years after the birth of her brother Victor. She attended the same school as her older brother. Then she entered the evening department of the Institute of Management. Sergo Ordzhonikidze, where Viktor Baturin also previously studied.

In 1980–1982 the girl worked at the largest cutting tools enterprise, Fraser, where her parents spent their working life. Later she became an employee of the Institute of Economic Development Problems national economy capital, head of the secretarial department of the Union of Cooperators, member of the commission of the Moscow City Executive Committee in the area of ​​​​cooperative activities. In 1986 she received higher education, and in 1989 went into business.

Business of Elena Baturina

Elena Nikolaevna’s first business project was a cooperative, established in partnership with her brother, specializing in software development and the implementation of computer equipment at facilities various fields activities.

In 1991, the sister and brother founded the Inteko company, whose area of ​​interest included the production of polymer products, commercial real estate, construction and investments in shares of the largest state-owned enterprises, including Gazprom, Oskolcement, Atakaycement, Sberbank.

The company provided financial support for the implementation of projects in the fields of education, culture, art, sports, including international golf tournaments. Elena Baturina initiated the “Home for the Whole World” initiative (the program provided housing to Russian families in dire need in different cities), sponsor of equestrian competitions (Elena was the president of the specialized domestic Equestrian Federation). In 2006, she received the position of deputy head of the interdepartmental group on the national program for the construction of affordable housing.

Since 2007, Elena Baturina has been actively reviving the tradition of our artists performing abroad, created in 1907 by Sergei Pavlovich Diaghilev and called the “Russian Seasons”. Thus, in 2008, with her assistance, concert performances of domestic dance groups, classical musical works, and folk songs dedicated to Orthodox Christmas took place in Austria.

Biography of Elena Baturina

In 2009, Inteko completed the construction of the Moscow-Park multifunctional complex in Astana. The complex included shopping, entertainment and business centers, a panoramic elevator, restaurants, cafes, office space and a 4-star hotel.

In 2010, Elena Nikolaevna opened the New Peterhof hotel complex in the Northern capital; as part of assistance to victims of fires, it financed the construction of a preschool educational institution in the Tula region, and sold the Russian Land Bank to foreign investors.

Elena Baturina about her business in Europe

In 2011, information was made public about the billionaire’s donation of porcelain from the Imperial Factory from her personal collection to the Tsaritsyno Museum, as well as the sale of Inteco. In 2012 it became known about the opening of the Quisisana Palace hotel in Karlovy Vary, in 2013 - the Morrison hotel in the capital of Ireland. In 2016, it acquired a number of office buildings in the New York borough of Brooklyn, near the Barclays Center sports arena.

Personal life of Elena Baturina

The successful billionaire woman is married. With her husband, Yuri Luzhkov, they got married in 1991. The husband, for whom their marriage was the second, is 27 years older than her. The married couple raised two daughters - Elena, born in 1992, and Olga, who is 2 years younger than her sister. Before Luzhkov left the post of mayor, they were both students at Moscow State University (the eldest daughter studied at the Faculty of World Politics, the younger daughter at the Faculty of Economics). In 2011, the girls and their mother moved to the capital of the United Kingdom, where they continued their education at University College London.

Olga also earned a bachelor's degree from New York University and a master's degree in hospitality management. In 2015, the woman, with her usual marketing savvy, opened her own bar, Herbarium, in Kitzbühel, near Grand Tirolia. In the new establishment, Baturina tried out the long-standing idea that such an establishment could be a place where you can not only drink, but also enjoy herbal drinks in a comfortable environment.

Elena Baturina loves equestrian sports, enjoys tennis, golf, alpine skiing, collecting photographs, works of art (in particular, she owns a painting by the English artist Francis Bacon) and classic cars (her fleet includes about 50 vintage vehicles).

Elena Baturina today

The entrepreneur is engaged in the hotel business, the acquisition and construction of real estate (in the USA, in the UK), together with her husband, she manages the Weedern horse breeding concern. She finances a number of charitable organizations– “Noosphere” to provide selfless assistance in matters of education, tolerance for other faiths, lifestyles, customs, Be Open to promote the progressive ideas of young creative people in different parts of the world.

Victor Baturin about his sister Elena Baturina and Yuri Luzhkov

In 1989, former factory worker and junior researcher Elena Baturina began a long and difficult path to the top of business. In 1991, the Inteko company appeared, engaged in the production of household items made of plastic. In 2002, the main activity was supplemented by the construction of buildings on the basis of house-building plant No. 3, which was gradually supplemented by cement factories and its own bank. Since 2011, the entrepreneur has been moving her business abroad, where she continues her development activities. In 2016, Forbes listed her as the richest woman in Russia with a net worth of $1.1 billion.

 

It is believed that big business is a sphere of fierce competition and harsh natural selection, the lot of men. Sometimes ladies show themselves in it no worse than the stronger half of humanity.

The story of Elena Baturina's business creation is a vivid example of how a woman, a mother of two daughters, a caring wife, managed to take on the difficult burden of a business, make it profitable and achieve unconditional success.

Elena Nikolaevna Baturina- entrepreneur, founder of the Inteko corporation, the only female billionaire in Russia, whose fortune, according to Forbes, was estimated at $1.1 billion in 2016, wife of the former mayor of Moscow Yuri Luzhkov. Her story is striking in that she managed to achieve success in completely “non-female” industries - industrial production and construction.

“It’s very good that I’m a woman. A woman will always find something to do.”

The results of Baturina’s work on the stock market are also indicative: she has always effectively formed and rebuilt her investment portfolio, supplementing it with assets of “blue chips” - Sberbank of Russia, Gazprom, etc.

A separate page in the biography of Elena Baturina is the numerous lawsuits she won (the total amount of compensation is estimated at 1-3 million rubles), related mainly to the disputed false information distributed by the media.

“It seems to me that the poor people steal and take, those who cannot earn money. I don’t consider myself one of those people.”

Being the daughter of ordinary workers, forced to go to work at a factory immediately after graduating from school, Elena Baturina managed to overcome the chasm and top the list of the richest women in Russia.

In 1989, she began her journey in business as part of a cooperative created together with her brother Victor. Two years later, her main brainchild appeared - the Inteko company, which became not only a key milestone in Baturina’s business, but also a part of Russian history. After all, it was she who created a number of large construction projects in Moscow: the Shuvalovsky and Grand Park residential areas, the Volzhsky microdistrict, the Fusion complex and the academic building of Moscow State University.

The personality of Elena Baturina is surrounded by numerous scandalous rumors. But one thing is certain: this woman managed to achieve success in business, and she continues to implement successful projects.

“I know that if I had allowed myself any illegal actions during more than 20 years of doing business, I would have killed myself. And I’m glad that my conscience is clear, because this allows me today to look everyone in the eye completely openly.”

In 2010, the entrepreneur was first included in the Forbes magazine rating with a fortune of $2.9 billion, and in 2011 she took 77th place in the list of successful Russian businessmen.

In 2012, Elena completely ceased her entrepreneurial activities in Russia and launched a development business in Europe. In 2013, she was ranked 12th among the wealthiest people in the UK, where she moved to be close to her daughters.

In 2017, her fortune, according to Forbes, amounted to $1 billion, a decrease of $100 million compared to the previous year. This allowed her to take 90th place in the authoritative ranking.

Until now she continues to remain richest woman Russia. Throughout her entire period of entrepreneurial activity, Baturina has been a well-known philanthropist and philanthropist, who has donated about $300 million to charitable purposes. In 2012, she created the BE OPEN charitable foundation.

How did it happen that a girl from a working-class family became the creator of the Inteko business empire? How did she manage to move from producing plastic basins and glasses to creating large-scale construction projects, maintaining her fortune and reputation even after leaving Russia? The secrets of the Russian businesswoman's success lie in the history of the creation of her life's work.

A girl from a working family

On the eve of International Women's Day - March 8, 1963, a daughter, Elena, was born into a family of workers at the Moscow Frazer plant. She became the second child and the long-awaited girl. During her childhood, the baby was in poor health. None of those close to me could have imagined that the fragile Lenochka would turn into a strict, assertive, purposeful and sometimes extremely tough entrepreneur.

The family did not live well, which is why Elena had to enter the factory at the age of 17. After finishing her day shift, the girl hurried to her evening classes at the institute. This challenging schedule laid the foundations for a strong character.

After graduation, she was invited to work at a research institute. In an effort to build a career, Baturina agreed.

Reference: Elena's work at the Moscow Institute of Economic Problems was successful: she quickly became a research fellow, and later the head of the secretariat. Subsequently, she was called to the commission of the Moscow City Executive Committee to the position of chief specialist, where she first met her future husband, Yuri Luzhkov.
Source: Forbes

However, monotonous work government institutions seemed to Elena Baturina boring and out of touch with reality. There was only one solution - to go into business.

First steps and birth of Inteko

In 1989, a cooperative for the sale and installation of software was registered in the name of Elena Baturina. The co-founder was her older brother Victor. However, the lack of sufficient start-up capital and knowledge of how to start a business prevented the business from gaining momentum.

But Elena was not going to give up. In 1991, she created Inteko LLP, which became known as a manufacturer of plastic products - dishes, household items, chairs, etc. The decision turned out to be successful, since this was a relatively new field of activity for Russia.

“Russia is not Europe, where all niches have long been occupied. 18 years ago, our nascent market had an almost empty field, you just had to choose right direction in which to move. We decided to go into production.”

In 1994, the company, using mainly borrowed capital (approximately 6 million rubles), acquired a plastics processing plant. Thanks to the victory in 1998 in the tender for the supply of 80 thousand plastic seats for the construction of the Luzhniki stadium, the company managed to repay the loan.

Elena Baturina's company managed not only to survive the default of 1998, but even to reorganize into a closed joint stock company and significantly gain a foothold in the Russian market. In the early 2000s, it accounted for:

• 1/4 of the production of all plastic products in the country;
• 15-20% of the plastics market.

Moreover, since 1999, the Inteko company begins to follow a diversification strategy: along with plastic products, it moves to the production of modern finishing materials (for panel and monolithic construction), and practices architectural design and real estate business.

Development of the construction industry

Elena Baturina did not stop there. Until the early 2000s, she had her sights set on the construction industry. However, the lack of impressive free capital and concerns about high risks hampered.

Chance helped her break into the industry. In 2001, the lawyer of the widow of the director of the Moscow house-building plant No. 3 came to the entrepreneur. Frightened by the threats of competitors, the woman offered Inteko to buy a stake from her (52%). Elena realized that this was an opportunity and agreed to the deal.

In the period from 2002 to 2005. the new enterprise built an average of 500 thousand square meters of housing per year.

Interesting fact: During the heyday of the construction business, Baturina’s daughters, Elena (2002) and Olga (2004), were born.

Baturina realized that further expansion and diversification of Inteko could bring her serious results. And, without neglecting the possibility of using borrowed capital, she continued her journey in the ocean of business.

“To succeed, a woman needs to be head and shoulders above her partners and competitors”

In subsequent years, the Inteko group of companies is continually replenished with new members:

• 2002 - separation of the construction company Strategi LLC, which specializes in the construction of monolithic buildings, within Inteko;
• 2003 - acquisition of two cement plants;
• 2004 - purchase of shares in four enterprises producing construction materials;
• 2005 - purchase of assets of the Russian Land Bank (RZB) mainly for the purpose of ensuring financial transactions for the main business.

The active growth of Baturina’s business allowed her to engage in the construction of elite buildings and standard houses. The design bureau, which operated as part of Inteko from the first years of its activity, created sketches of apartments with improved layouts and worked out the design of facades in detail.

Economies of scale and a balanced approach to business are the main criteria for Baturina’s victories in public and private tenders.

There is an opinion that many orders went to her thanks to the high position of her husband. However, it is worth paying attention to the fact that all the tasks assigned to Inteko were completed efficiently and on time. Here we were talking about the personal qualities of the entrepreneur, and not about her influential husband.

“It’s all about genes - a person is either a leader by nature or not. I have always been a leader"

In 2005, Elena Baturina decides to concentrate her efforts on the construction of monolithic housing and commercial real estate: this area brought the greatest profit to Inteko. As a result, it sells DMK No. 3 and all cement plants and invests most of the proceeds in its core activities.

At the same time, the original direction of Inteko’s functioning was not forgotten: the corporation provided plastic utensils to the majority of bistros in Moscow and the Moscow region.

She used the remaining amount to purchase securities of Russia's largest corporations (mainly shares of Sberbank and Gazprom). This step was regarded by many analysts as very far-sighted: it was it that helped Inteko stay afloat in 2008-2009, when the entrepreneur sold part of the highly profitable shares and covered the burning bank loans.

“I don’t think I made a great career because all my life I dreamed of being an analyst. Someone should sit as an eminence grise and write analytical materials.”

Family friend, billionaire Yuri Gekht tells

- says family friend, billionaire Yuri Gekht

Why aren't criminal cases brought against LUZHKOV? - Vladimir PUTIN was asked at one of the recent press conferences.

It's still early. And why do you think that there is nothing about Luzhkov? - the president answered slyly...

The trial of the ex-mayor of Moscow and his cunning@opoy Millions of people are looking forward to their spouse. And among them, of course, Yuri GEKHT - a friend of his youth and former accomplice of Yuri Mikhailovich, and now his irreconcilable enemy. Hecht was once a member of the Supreme Economic Council under the Presidium of the Supreme Council of the Russian Federation and a major bourgeois. And now he is a simple Israeli pensioner and, in fact, a criminal wanted by Interpol.

On the eve of Elena Nikolaevna’s anniversary (she will turn fifty dollars on March 8), Yuri Hekht was visited in the Promised Land by the special correspondent of Express Gazeta.

I've always stood up for Luzhkova, - Yuri Georgievich assures. - Even in 1993, when angry deputies wanted to remove him from the post of mayor. The capital was then writhing in dirt and poverty! At a meeting of the Presidium of the Supreme Council, I managed to repel Luzhkov. In fact, he is a strong business executive. Everything that happened to him later was the fault of the seasoned boor Elena Baturina. Previous wife - Marina Bashilova, daughter of the first deputy minister of the chemical industry of the USSR, was created by Luzhkova. And this matron made Yura the founder of corruption in Russia! For example, I was personally present when Luzhkov bought land in Sochi for next to nothing...

Baturina’s parents worked as machine operators at the Frazer plant, and her father was a real alcoholic. Elena, too, after school, did not go to university, but to the machine tool. Then I only barely graduated from the evening department. I got some training and got into the Moscow City Executive Committee for a “bread and butter” position - the commission on cooperative activities. As Luzhkov said, he went there on some business. We met. Elena was even less attractive than she is now, although she was a quarter of a century younger than him. But she grabbed Yura with an iron grip!

According to Hechta Having come to power, Luzhkov made him his confidant. Out of gratitude to his old friend, he had to grit his teeth and endure communication with his eccentric wife.

Betrayal

I not only had access to the house, but also personally arranged for Baturina to go to the best Moscow maternity hospital named after Grauerman! - Hecht remembers. - Due to her young age, she was terribly afraid of the first birth. A week later, I gave Elena a watch for 300 dollars - then it was a decent amount - as a present for the newborn. Baturina had never tried on such elegant things: she ran around with a watch like a child. In those years, there were no imported goods in stores, and I often traveled abroad. Baturina's girls were dressed and shoed. I also kept in touch with Luzhkov’s children from a previous marriage. But Elena did not let them on the threshold. The younger Alexander could still come to his dad’s work, but the elder Mikhail was afraid. Elena arranged this for her husband! Misha took his father's betrayal seriously. Started drinking. Of course, Luzhkov did not like this. (My son, by the way, worked in the gas industry, and as soon as Luzhkov was removed, he was also asked.)

It was Hecht, according to him, who persuaded Luzhkov to begin competitive investment in capital real estate.

Luzhkov, having become mayor, did not know what to do, says Hecht. - There is no money, there is devastation, but the city needs to be rebuilt. In June 1992, at the height of Gaidar's all-consuming reform, I proposed to him the idea of ​​private investment in construction. Yura doubted: “Who will go? Such a risk! I say: “I am!” And he was the first to take part in a competition to invest in the construction of two prestigious buildings in the capital.

Yuri Gekht proudly calls himself a “hereditary papermaker” - since 1740, his ancestors have been producing paper. During perestroika he was lucky:

The Ministry of Forestry and Pulp and Paper Industry decided to unite the most backward enterprises in the industry that did not feed themselves. And I was appointed general director of Sokolniki Production Association. It also included the Serpukhov paper mill. In 1987, I rented it, and in ’89 the association was privatized. The ministry allowed me, as director, to receive 49 percent of the shares, the rest remained with the team. But then privatization began according to Chubais, and everyone who was not too lazy began buying shares from workers right on the streets. By decision of the general meeting, people did not sell to strangers, but trusted me to buy out the remaining shares. Since then, I have often heard whispers behind my back: “The first Soviet billionaire is coming.” But I couldn’t even touch this money, I never used the dividends - I directed everything towards the development of production. Now the enterprise has been destroyed, more than a thousand people have been laid off. Only one paper mill in Vladimir is operating, and the Serpukhov mill was captured by raiders...

Sperm

Luzhkov was afraid of his wife like fire, - says Yuri Georgievich. - He pulled me home every Saturday. Somehow we were sitting with them Tsereteli. It's almost midnight and he won't let us go. We understand: another scandal is brewing. Elena comes out in a hastily wrapped robe and says: “It’s time to go to bed!” Yuri doesn't react. Then she comes up, takes off her slipper and slaps him on his bald head!

And what did you do at the Queen’s reception in 2004 in London? Just came to power Tony Blair. Everyone has gathered, we are sitting and waiting for Baturina. Yuri is running around, nervous. Finally, Elena enters the hotel with a racket. Luzhkov: “Lena, the queen is waiting for us!” - “Nothing, he’ll wait.” Seven minutes later, Yuri jumps out into the hall in red spots: “We’re going without her!”

In the USA, in a shopping center, Elena suddenly shouted at Luzhkov so loudly to the whole audience that the whole delegation of us burned with shame. And in Munich she went to a horse farm. There she was given the sperm of one of the best stallions. She immediately hid the priceless flask at the hotel, but when she began to pack her things to leave, she could not find it. City Hall employee Vladimir Lebedev offered to check her suitcase, but she got angry and gave young man a few slaps. In Moscow, after a customs inspection, we decided to see if all the things were in place, and we found a flask with sperm in her suitcase!

Boorish

Hecht had a serious conflict with Baturina in 2004 in the office of the first deputy mayor Vladimir Resin, who oversaw the construction.

There I learned: Lena wanted three old residential buildings near the Arbatskaya metro station, which belonged to me. (Now they are owned by Telman Ismailov.) I wanted to build a hotel on this land. I evicted 240 families, talked to each tenant personally - I didn’t receive a single complaint. Invested $23 million in the facility. But after the default, I couldn’t start construction. I understand: there is a formal reason to find fault, Lena will not back down. I agreed to sign an agreement on the transfer of objects, but only on condition of payment of compensation: “Lena, return what you spent!” But she told Resin: “Let his friend Luzhkov compensate him.” I couldn’t resist and hit the table with my fist: “You’re just a village boor!” Luzhkov first tried to help me out. But Baturina stood her ground. As a result, she brought contracts for the purchase of all objects, and the amount of compensation was 50 thousand rubles! Realizing that I would not sign, he and Resin offered me three dilapidated buildings on Arbat: garbage dumps bought by Caucasians that needed to be resettled. Even 150 million dollars would not be enough for me! I came to Resin and said: “Am I now going to resettle all of Moscow at my own expense?” He said that I would not sign the agreement until it stipulated that the eviction would be carried out at the expense of Moscow. But Luzhkov betrayed me and did not sign.

Setup

In 2004, Hecht suffered from severe kidney problems, and he decided to receive treatment in Israel.

And shortly before leaving, three people close to Luzhkov warned that an attempt was being prepared on my life, - says Yuri Georgievich. - The vice mayor was the first to call Joseph Ordzhonikidze- he oversaw the hotel and gambling business. He started talking about some nonsense. I told him: “Did you call me for this?” Suddenly he gets up from his chair and whispers: “Yura, leave immediately, I beg you!”

Events were not long in coming. First, Hecht had an accident: a truck blocked the way for his car. Hecht and the driver miraculously survived:

Soon I was accused of kidnapping a person, a certain Vladimir Baryshnikov-Kuparenko, who was supposed to deliver German equipment to my factory, but deceived me: the equipment did not arrive on time. I punched this Baryshnikov in the face and threatened to terminate the contract and collect the amount paid to him and damages. This scoundrel saw on my table the magazine “Kompromat.RU”, in the creation of which I participated. The latest issue described in detail how Baturina received land plots for construction without competition and how budget funds were transferred through Mosbusinessbank and Bank of Moscow to finance her ventures. Baryshnikov decided to take advantage of my conflict with Baturina and went to see her with this magazine. Elena immediately bought the entire circulation, and they developed a scheme to eliminate me from the market.

According to Hecht, the operation was supervised former boss Moscow police colonel general Vladimir Pronin.

Baryshnikov staged his kidnapping, - explains Yuri Georgievich, - allegedly carried out on my order. He imitated an escape from my office, where the kidnappers allegedly locked him for Saturday and Sunday, and he supposedly went into the toilet, climbed out through the window and arrived by taxi to the reception of the mayor of Moscow, and then turned to law enforcement agencies with a statement. On the basis of this nonsense, they arrested the athletes with whom I was seen in the restaurant in the evening after the competition - I supervised sports in Serpukhov. They were made the perpetrators of this pseudo-kidnapping. They gave me eight years. I did my best to get them out. They were released after two years for a huge bribe.

After successful operation After a kidney transplant, Yuri Georgievich gained hope of returning to Russia.

“I’m not hiding,” says the exile. - I correspond with Interpol, but everyone is “looking” for me. I was denied a Russian pension and a Russian international passport, despite court confirmation that I am a Russian citizen. Through Telman Ismailov, Baturina took all my property. I haven’t communicated with Luzhkov since then - it’s useless: he, in fact, became her hostage. But I must return to Russia to prove my innocence. The only thing I ask the president Putin and premiere Medvedev, - to give me the opportunity to personally participate in the investigation of a criminal case.