The other side of the “Stakhanov movement”. Communist Party of the Russian Federation Leningrad region

The Stakhanov movement was one of the manifestations of the so-called “socialist competition”, and its immediate predecessor was “shockism”. For the first time, such a mechanism for stimulating production was used during the years of war communism. Trotsky’s resolution adopted at the IX Party Congress stated that “along with the agitational and ideological influence on the working masses and repression... competition is a powerful force for raising labor productivity... The bonus system should become one of the means of inciting competition. The food supply system must be consistent with it: as long as the Soviet Republic does not have enough food supplies, a diligent and conscientious worker must be better provided for than a careless one.”

Forced industrialization was proclaimed by Trotsky's resolution

A decade later, with the proclamation of accelerated industrialization, “socialist competition” gained a second wind. The appeal of the XVI Conference of the All-Union Communist Party (Bolsheviks) “To all workers and toiling peasants of the Soviet Union” dated April 29, 1929 stated that the decision of the IX Party Congress “is now completely timely and vital.” There was a call to organize competition between enterprises to increase labor productivity, reduce the cost of goods produced and strengthen labor discipline.

Newspapers everywhere encouraged young people to achieve industrial achievements. The press was filled with motivating slogans and appeals: “Isn’t every day, every worker, every team faced with this or that specific task, this or that task? Isn’t it possible to organize social competition among construction workers to complete these daily tasks?” Socialist competition in factories took the most different shapes: roll calls, achievement reviews, shock brigades, public tug, above-plan coal trains, shock sections, ships and workshops. This movement of enthusiastic workers also formed its own heroes, the name of one of whom - Alexei Grigorievich Stakhanov - went down in history and even became a household name.

Stakhanov turned from a miner into a nomenklatura worker

Coal was especially urgently needed to meet the needs of industrialization, so the Soviet authorities aimed at increasing labor productivity among miners. At the same time, the modernization of the mines was carried out at a rather slow pace. Future production leader Alexey Stakhanov worked at the Tsentralnaya-Irmino mine, which by the early 1930s was considered one of the most backward in the region, it was even contemptuously called a “garbage dump.” However, during the years of the first Five-Year Plan, the mine underwent technical reconstruction: electricity was installed there, and some miners received jackhammers, with the help of which they began to set labor records.

On a day off, on the night of August 30-31, mine worker Alexey Stakhanov went underground with two fixers and two haulers of coal cars. In addition, party organizer of the mine Petrov and the editor of the large-circulation newspaper “Kadievsky Rabochiy” were present at the mine, who documented what was happening. Stakhanov carried out a record shift, producing 102 tons, and in September of the same year he raised the record to 227 tons.

Alexei Stakhanov with a gift from Stalin

A note about Stakhanov’s feat was accidentally seen by the People’s Commissar of Heavy Industry Sergo Ordzhonikidze, who, due to the low pace of the Second Five-Year Plan, left Moscow so as not to catch the eye of Stalin. A couple of days later, the Pravda newspaper published an article entitled “The Record of Miner Stakhanov,” which told about the feat of the Lugansk miner. Stakhanov was quickly noticed abroad. Time magazine even put a portrait of the miner on the cover. True, Stakhanov himself no longer worked at the mine, mainly speaking at rallies and party meetings. A leader in production, the media “ideal” of a communist man was distinguished by far from exemplary behavior: together with his comrades he broke mirrors in the Metropol restaurant and caught fish in a decorative pool, which caused extreme dissatisfaction with Stalin, who promised to change his surname to a more modest one if he did not will correct itself.

Stakhanov on the cover of Time magazine

Active Stakhanovites and shock workers received various privileges and had a certain advantage in the hierarchy of distribution of public goods. Thus, a special elite of Soviet workers was formed, which later transformed into an independent social class - the scientific and technical intelligentsia. Opportunities opened up through drumming better life, it became a kind of social “elevator” for young man dreaming of a career. The most honored workers “from the machine” were promoted to positions of foremen, technicians and even engineers (practitioners), and were also sent to study at higher education institutions. educational establishments(the so-called “promoters”). So in the 1920s, the old leadership corps at all levels of management was replaced by young people who unconditionally supported Soviet power and unfailingly implemented all the guidelines of the party.

Generally successful strategy led, however, to a significant decrease in the proportion of managers with higher and secondary specialized education, which negatively affected the quality indicators of production and the speed of implementation of certain scientific achievements. According to the All-Union Population Census of 1939, in the USSR only half of all employees had appropriate professional training, which reduced the effectiveness of management of all processes of socio-economic life.

Stakhanov died in 1977 in psychiatric hospital from alcoholism

One of the “promoters” was Mikhail Eliseevich Putin, the actual initiator of shock socialist competition. Since childhood, Putin has tried a number of simple professions: a boy in a coffee shop, a delivery boy in a shoe shop, a watchman, a port loader. So he acquired sufficient physical strength, and therefore in winter period began working as an athlete-wrestler in the circus - he really liked this spectacle. There was an interesting episode in Putin’s circus career when the future drummer of the production took part in a classic fight with invincible Ivan Poddubny and was able to hold out in it for seven whole minutes. Becoming a member of the RCP (b) according to Lenin’s call (mass recruitment into the party of everyone from among the workers and the poorest peasants in 1924), after the end of the Civil War, Putin entered the Krasny Vyborgets plant, where his work made him famous.

Portrait of Mikhail Eliseevich Putin

In January 1929, Lenin’s article “How to Organize a Competition,” written by him back in 1918, was published in the Pravda newspaper. The publication was followed by speeches by activists, including those inspired and directed by party and trade union organizations, in which they called for increasing production standards, saving raw materials, and improving quality indicators. Soon, the Leningrad correspondent point of Pravda received the task of finding an enterprise where it was possible to significantly reduce the cost of production, and most importantly, to find a worthy, exemplary brigade that would agree to become the “initiator of mass socialist competition.” On March 15, 1929, an article appeared in the country’s main newspaper about a competition among pipe cutters at the Krasny Vyborzhets plant—Mikhail Putin gained wide popularity, and the relay of socialist competitions began to rapidly spread throughout the country.

In fact, the drummers were supposed to become real examples of the implementation of communist ideas about the formation of a new type of man. The young Soviet state needed a different type of citizen, one who would meet the demands of a society at the forefront of the world communist movement. During this period it was written a large number of works that describe the ideal of the new man and list his main qualities: love for society and its members, willingness to fight for one’s ideals, revolutionary spirit, activity and desire to participate in change, discipline, erudition, technical abilities and willingness to subordinate one’s interests to the interests of society . Such a hero is well known from the textbook works of the school curriculum: the novels of Alexander Fadeev “Destruction” and “The Young Guard”, Alexander Serafimovich and his “Iron Stream”, Nikolai Ostrovsky and his autobiographical novel-diary “How the Steel Was Tempered”. Of course, the characters described in these works often remained only a figment of the imagination of their creators.

"... The Stakhanov movement is a movement of working men and women that will go down in the history of our socialist construction as one of its most glorious pages.

What is the meaning Stakhanov movement?

First of all, it expresses a new rise in socialist competition, a new, highest stage of socialist competition. ...In the past, about three years ago, during the first stage of socialist competition, socialist competition was not necessarily associated with new technology. Yes, then we, in fact, did not have almost new technology. The current stage of socialist competition - the Stakhanov movement, on the contrary, is necessarily associated with new technology. The Stakhanov movement would have been unthinkable without new, higher technology. ...

Further. The Stakhanov movement is a movement of workers that aims to overcome current technical standards, overcome existing design capacities, and overcome existing production plans and balances. Overcoming - because they, these very norms, have already become old for our days, for our new people. This movement breaks old views on technology, breaks old technical standards, old design capacities, old production plans and requires the creation of new, higher technical standards, design capacities, and production plans. It is designed to revolutionize our industry. That is why it, the Stakhanov movement, is fundamentally deeply revolutionary.

The significance of the Stakhanov movement lies in the fact that it is a movement that breaks down the old technical norms as insufficient, overlaps in a number of cases the labor productivity of advanced capitalist countries and thus opens up practical possibility further strengthening of socialism in our country, the possibility of transforming our country into the most prosperous country.

But this does not exhaust the significance of the Stakhanov movement. Its significance also lies in the fact that it prepares the conditions for the transition from socialism to communism.

The principle of socialism is that in a socialist society everyone works according to his abilities and receives consumer goods not according to his needs, but according to the work he has done for society. This means that the cultural and technical level of the working class is still low, the opposition between mental labor and physical labor continues to exist, labor productivity is not yet so high as to ensure an abundance of consumer goods, as a result of which society is forced to distribute consumer goods not in accordance with the needs of members of society, but according to the work they have done for society.

Communism represents a higher stage of development. The principle of communism is that in a communist society everyone works according to his abilities and receives consumer goods not according to the work he has produced, but according to the cultural needs developed person that he has. This means that the cultural and technical level of the working class has become high enough to undermine the foundations of the opposition between mental labor and physical labor, the opposition between mental labor and physical labor has already disappeared, and labor productivity has risen to such a high level that it can ensure complete an abundance of consumer goods, due to which society has the opportunity to distribute these items according to the needs of its members.

Some people think that the elimination of the opposition between mental labor and physical labor can be achieved through some cultural and technical equalization of mental and physical workers on the basis of reducing the cultural and technical level of engineers and technicians, mental workers, to the level of semi-skilled workers. This is completely false. Only petty-bourgeois talkers can think about communism in this way. In fact, the abolition of the opposition between mental labor and physical labor can be achieved only on the basis of raising the cultural and technical level of the working class to the level of engineering and technical workers. It would be ridiculous to think that such a rise is impossible. It is completely feasible under the conditions of the Soviet system, where the country’s productive forces are freed from the shackles of capitalism, where labor is freed from the yoke of exploitation, where the working class is in power and where the young generation of the working class has every opportunity to provide themselves with sufficient technical education. There is no reason to doubt that only such a cultural and technical upsurge of the working class can undermine the foundations of the opposition between mental labor and physical labor, that only it can ensure that high labor productivity and that abundance of consumer goods that are necessary to begin the transition from socialism to communism.

The Stakhanov movement is significant in this regard in that it contains the first beginnings, albeit still weak, but still the beginnings of just such a cultural and technical upsurge of the working class of our country.

Indeed, take a closer look at the Stakhanovite comrades. What kind of people are these? These are mainly young or middle-aged workers, cultured and technically savvy people, who set examples of precision and accuracy in work, who know how to appreciate the time factor in work and who have learned to count time not only in minutes, but also in seconds. Most of them have passed the so-called technical minimum and continue to expand their technical education. They are free from the conservatism and stagnation of some engineers, technicians and business executives, they move boldly forward, breaking down outdated technical standards and creating new, higher ones, they amend the design capacities and economic plans drawn up by the leaders of our industry, they continually supplement and correct engineers and technicians, they often teach and push them forward, because these are people who have completely mastered the technology of their craft and know how to squeeze out of technology the maximum that can be squeezed out of it. Today there are still few Stakhanovites, but who can doubt that tomorrow there will be ten times more of them? Isn’t it clear that the Stakhanovites are innovators in our industry, that the Stakhanov movement represents the future of our industry, that it contains the grain of the future cultural and technical upsurge of the working class, that it opens up for us the path on which only we can achieve those highest indicators labor productivity, which are necessary for the transition from socialism to communism and the destruction of the opposition between mental labor and physical labor?

This, comrades, is the significance of the Stakhanov movement in the cause of our socialist construction...

What is striking, first of all, is the fact that it, this movement, began somehow spontaneously, almost spontaneously, from below, without any pressure from the administration of our enterprises. Moreover. This movement arose and began to develop to a certain extent contrary to the will of the administration of our enterprises, even in the fight against it. Comrade Molotov has already told you about the torment that Comrade Musinsky, a sawmill in Arkhangelsk, had to endure when, secretly from the economic organization, secretly from the controllers, he developed new, higher technical standards. The fate of Stakhanov himself was not the best, for he had to defend himself as he moved forward not only from some members of the administration, but also from some workers, who ridiculed and persecuted him for his “innovations.” As for Busygin, it is known that he almost paid for his “innovations” by losing his job at the plant, and only the intervention of the shop manager, Comrade Sokolinsky, helped him stay at the plant.

As you can see, if there was any influence on the part of the administration of our enterprises, it did not go towards the Stakhanov movement, but against it. Consequently, the Stakhanovist movement arose and developed as a movement coming from below. And precisely because it arose spontaneously, precisely because it comes from below, it is the most vital and irresistible movement of our time.

It is necessary, further, to dwell on one more characteristic feature of the Stakhanov movement. It consists, this characteristic feature, in the fact that the Stakhanov movement spread across the entire face of our Union not gradually, but with some unprecedented speed, like a hurricane. How did the matter begin? Stakhanov raised the technical standard for coal production five or six times, if not more. Busygin and Smetanin did the same, one in the field of mechanical engineering, the other in the shoe industry. Newspapers reported these facts. And suddenly the flames of the Stakhanov movement engulfed the entire country. What's the matter? Where did such speed come from in the spread of the Stakhanov movement? Maybe Stakhanov and Busygin are great organizers with great connections in the regions and districts of the USSR and they themselves organized this business? No, of course not! Maybe Stakhanov and Busygin have a claim to be great figures in our country and they themselves spread the sparks of the Stakhanov movement throughout the country? This is also incorrect. You saw Stakhanov and Busygin here. They spoke at the meeting. These are simple and modest people, without any pretensions to winning laurels on an all-Union scale. It even seems to me that they are somewhat embarrassed by the scope of the movement that has unfolded in our country, contrary to their expectations. And if, despite this, the match thrown by Stakhanov and Busygin turned out to be enough to turn this whole thing into flames, then this means that the Stakhanov movement is a matter that is completely ripe. Only a movement that is fully mature and is waiting for an impetus in order to break free, only such a movement could spread so quickly and grow like a snowball.

How can we explain that the Stakhanov movement turned out to be a matter of urgency? Where are the reasons that it has spread so quickly? What are the roots of the Stakhanov movement?

There are at least four of these reasons.

1) The basis of the Stakhanov movement was, first of all, a radical improvement in the financial situation of the workers. Life has become better, comrades. Life has become more fun. And when life is fun, work goes smoothly. Hence the high production standards. Hence the heroes and heroines of labor. This is, first of all, the root of the Stakhanov movement. If we had a crisis, if we had unemployment - the scourge of the working class, if our life was bad, unattractive, sad, then we would not have any Stakhanov movement.... Of course, it is good to drive out the capitalists, drive out the landowners , drive out the Tsar's guardsmen, take power and gain freedom. This is very good. But, unfortunately, freedom alone is far from enough. If there is not enough bread, not enough butter and fats, not enough textiles, poor housing, then freedom alone will not get you far. It is very difficult, comrades, to live by freedom alone. In order to live well and cheerfully, it is necessary that the benefits of political freedom be complemented by material benefits. A characteristic feature of our revolution is that it gave the people not only freedom, but also material benefits, but also the opportunity for a prosperous and cultural life. This is why life has become fun for us, and this is the soil on which the Stakhanov movement grew.

2) The second source of the Stakhanov movement is our lack of exploitation. Our people work not for exploiters, not to enrich parasites, but for themselves, for their class, for their own Soviet society, where the best people of the working class are in power. That is why work has social significance for us; it is a matter of honor and glory. Under capitalism, work has a private, personal character. If you work more, get more and live as you please. No one knows you and no one wants to know you. Do you work for the capitalists, do you enrich them? How else? That's why they hired you, to enrich the exploiters. If you don’t agree with this, go join the ranks of the unemployed and vegetate as best you can; we’ll find others who are more accommodating. This is why people's labor is not highly valued under capitalism. It is clear that in such conditions there can be no place for the Stakhanov movement. It’s a different matter under the Soviet system. Here the working man is held in high esteem. Here he works not for the exploiters, but for himself, for his class, for society. Here a working person cannot feel abandoned and lonely. On the contrary, a working person feels like a free citizen of his country, a kind of public figure. And if he works well and gives society what he can give, he is a hero of labor, he is covered in glory. It is clear that only under such conditions could the Stakhanov movement arise.

3) The third source of the Stakhanov movement should be considered the presence of new technology in our country. The Stakhanov movement is organically connected with new technology. Without new technology, without new plants and factories, without new equipment, the Stakhanov movement could not have arisen in our country. Without new technology, technical standards can be raised one or two times - no more. If the Stakhanovites raised technical standards five and six times, this means that they rely entirely on new technology. Thus, it turns out that the industrialization of our country, the reconstruction of our plants and factories, the availability of new technology and new equipment were one of the reasons that gave rise to the Stakhanov movement.

4) But you won’t get far with new technology alone. You can have first-class technology, first-class plants and factories, but if there are no people who can ride this technology, your technology will remain bare technology. To new technology could give its results, it is necessary to have more people, a cadre of workers and workers, capable of becoming the head of technology and moving it forward. The emergence and growth of the Stakhanov movement means that we already have such cadres among the working men and women. About two years ago the party said that by building new plants and factories and giving our enterprises new equipment, we had only done half the job. The party said then that the enthusiasm for building new factories must be complemented by the enthusiasm for their development, that only in this way can the matter be completed. It is obvious that during these two years the development of this new technology and the emergence of new personnel took place. It is now clear that we already have such personnel. It is clear that without such personnel, without these new people, we would not have any Stakhanov movement. Thus, new people from working men and women, who mastered the new technology, served as the force that formalized and moved forward the Stakhanov movement.

On August 31, 1935, Ukrainian miner Aleksey Stakhanov became a celebrity in the Soviet country - first with a large production circulation, and then “big” newspapers wrote about his labor feat: he produced 102 tons of coal in one shift, exceeding the usual norm by 14 times. The leader of the country, Joseph Stalin, ordered the opening of the Stakhanov movement, and invited the founder to Moscow “for a position.” Alexey Stakhanov was awarded two Orders of Lenin, the Order of the Red Banner of Labor and medals.

The Stakhanov movement was a mass phenomenon when production innovators achieved records; these were workers, collective farmers, and engineering and technical workers. However, dates show that the phenomenon began somewhat earlier. For example, the record-breaking, innovative miner Izotov became famous in 1932; there were even Izotov schools for advanced training of miners. In the summer of 1935 railway transport The Krivonosov movement was formed. But the name of Alexei Stakhanov thundered at the November All-Union Conference, which was reported to Stalin in advance, and he praised the idea.

Alexey Grigorievich Stakhanov was born on January 3, 1906 in the village of Lugovoy, Yelets district, Oryol province (now Izmalkovsky district, Lipetsk region) into a poor peasant family. So, in his youth he had the opportunity to work as a laborer and take care of the village herd. And at the rural school he completed only three classes. In 1927, Alexey began working as a horse driver at the Tsentralnaya-Irmino mine in Kadievka, Lugansk region, in the Donbass. And then - a fastener, a slaughterer.

The mining technology was ineffective when all operations were performed by one miner - after working for 1-2 hours, he put down the hammer and secured the faces. At that time, the equipment was idle, and the compressor was running air idle. Stakhanov changed the technology, two fasteners worked with him, and efficiency increased sharply. This was demonstrated on the eve of International Youth Day on September 1st.

On August 30, 1935, at 10 o’clock in the evening, the head of the section, Mashurov, the party organizer of the mine, Petrov, and the editor of the mine’s circulation magazine, Mikhailov, went down into the mine with him. In 5 hours 45 minutes, Alexey’s team cut 102 tons, fulfilling 14 standards. After 10 days, Stakhanov chopped 175 tons of coal per shift, and later reached 324 tons per shift. The popularity of the new initiative gained national appreciation and widespread distribution.

In 1937, Alexey entered the Industrial Academy, from which he graduated in 1941, becoming a mining engineer. During the war, he worked in Karaganda as a mine manager, and since 1943 he became the head of the sector for summarizing the experience of innovators and production leaders at the USSR Ministry of Coal Industry. In 1970, Stakhanov was awarded the title of Hero of Socialist Labor with the Order of Lenin and the Hammer and Sickle gold medal.

In 1957, at the behest of the new leader of the country, Nikita Khrushchev, Stakhanov returned to the Donbass, to the city of Torez, where he worked in low-level positions in the coal industry. In 1974, he retired, and on November 5, 1977, he died in a clinic from cardiovascular failure, allegedly due to long-term problems with alcohol. Although his daughter Violetta presents a different version: in the clinic he slipped, fell, and hit his temple.

The Stakhanov movement developed powerfully in the USSR and became almost obligatory. There are statistical figures according to which up to 25% of workers joined this movement. However, history has not preserved many names of heroes; these are mainly the pioneers of the movement. These are the results they achieved in setting production records.

1. Alexander Kharitonovich Busygin, blacksmith of the Gorky Automobile Plant, Hero of Socialist Labor. In 1931, he came to the construction of the Gorky Automobile Plant, and when it was built, Alexander very quickly mastered the specialty of a blacksmith and managed to develop the methods of this production. He achieved a significant increase in labor productivity through preliminary preparation of the workplace, improvement of machines and tools, optimization of heating and metal stamping techniques. In September 1935, Busygin’s team set a record by forging 966 crankshafts per shift, then 1001 crankshafts, with the norm being 675 pieces. Then he broke his own record by making 1,146 shafts. The All-Union movement of innovators for some time bore the name Stakhanov-Busygin. The fame of the Soviet blacksmith reached the American Ford, Busygin was invited there for a decent salary, but, of course, he refused.

2. Kuban tractor driver Konstantin Borin broke record after record. From 1935 to 1950 he was a combine operator at the Shteyngart MTS Krasnodar region. During the 1935 season, he harvested 780 hectares with the Kommunar combine at a rate of 160 hectares, the following year - 2040 hectares, in 1937 - 3240 hectares. In 1948, Borin and his team threshed 42,300 centners of grain in the clutch of two S-6 combines. The general statistics of his labor exploits are as follows: over 15 years of work at the Shteyngart MTS, he fulfilled 89 seasonal standards and threshed more than 480,000 centners of grain. Borin was the first to use night harvesting with a combine, loading the bunker and refueling the engine on the move.

3. Makar Mazay, steelmaker at the Mariupol Metallurgical Plant named after Ilyich, innovative worker. He proposed deepening the open-hearth furnace bath and at the same time raising the height of the open-hearth furnace roof - this way, much more material could be placed in the furnace for processing. In October 1936, Makar Mazai set a record for removing steel from square meter furnace feed - 15 tons in 6 hours 30 minutes. His working methods were adopted by all metallurgists.

4. Ivan Gudov, milling worker. In August 1934, he entered the Moscow Ordzhonikidze Machine Tool Plant as a laborer and there he graduated with honors from a six-month production and technical course for milling operators. Since March 1935, Ivan began working in German milling machine"Fritz Werner", meticulously analyzing the technological process. As a result, he found a solution to increase the number of parts produced by 3-4 times without losing their quality. By processing parts simultaneously with two cutters, he increased the speed of feeding and cutting metal. At a rate of 43 parts per shift, he produced 117 parts, that is, 410%.

5. Weaver Dusya Vinogradova- symbol of the new Soviet man. With their replacement Marusya Vinogradova, in May 1935, they set an all-Union record - they began to service 70 automatic machines instead of 16. On October 1, 1935, for the first time in world practice textile industry they were able to operate hundreds of machines simultaneously, later moving to 240. In the textile industry, the movement received a wide response from female workers.

6. Railway worker Peter Krivonos. In 1929, after graduating from college, he came to the Slavyansk locomotive depot of the Donetsk Railway. When he became a driver, he was the first to drive freight trains increased the boost of the steam locomotive's boiler, and the technical speed doubled, to 46-47 km/h - this is a significant indicator. His followers, the Krivonosovites, appeared on the railway.

7. Train dispatcher Klavdiya Koroleva, laureate of the Stalin Prize of the third degree. In 1947, she organized work on a compressed schedule for the turnover of locomotives in railway transport. And in 1951, Koroleva came up with the idea of ​​running heavy freight trains on a regular schedule. And I found this method wide application on the network railways THE USSR.

8. Shoe retreader Nikolay Smetanin worked at the Leningrad factory "Skorokhod". Taking up the matter wisely, he completed production standard by 200%. To achieve this result, Nikolai worked until the smallest details every movement. The result - on September 21, 1935, he produced 1,400 pairs of shoes, by the way, this was a world record, the Soviet shoemaker overtook the famous Czechoslovak company "Bati". On October 6, Nikolai pulled even more - 1860 pairs.

9. Foreman of the women's tractor brigade Pasha Angelina. Twice Hero of Socialist Labor, a symbol of a technically educated Soviet worker, her team far exceeded the plan. Angelina is famous for her slogan “One hundred thousand friends - on a tractor!”

10. Drilling worker Bilyal Ikhlasov from 1932 he worked at the mine of the Ridder polymetallic plant. On September 29, 1935, he not only set an all-Union ore mining record, but completed the task by as much as 485%! This inspired the miners; since 1937, Ikhlasov was appointed as an instructor in the introduction of advanced methods and techniques of labor - to teach him the methods of his comrades.

The Stakhanov movement, a mass movement of innovators of socialist production in the USSR - advanced workers, collective farmers, engineering and technical workers for increasing labor productivity based on the development of new technology. It arose in the 2nd Five-Year Plan, in 1935, as a new stage in socialist competition. The Stakhanov movement was prepared by the entire course of socialist construction, the success of the country's industrialization, the growth of the cultural and technical level and material well-being of the working people. Most of the Stakhanovites came from among the shock workers. The "Stakhanov" movement was named after its founder - the miner of the "Central - Irmino" mine (Donbass) A. G. Stakhanov, who produced 102 tons of coal per shift at a rate of 7 tons. Stakhanov's record was soon blocked by his followers. The highest production in the Donbass was achieved by N. A. Izotov, who mined 607 on February 1, 1936 at mine No. 1 "Kochegarka" (Gorlovka) T coal per shift. The Stakhanov movement, supported and led by the Communist Party, for a short time covered all branches of industry, transport, construction, agriculture and spread throughout the Soviet Union.

The founders of the Stakhanov movement were A. Kh. Busygin in the automobile industry, N. S. Smetanin in the shoe industry, E. V. and M. I. Vinogradov in the textile industry, I. I. Gudov in the machine tool industry, and V. S. Musinsky, on railway transport - P. F. Krivonos, in agriculture- P. N. Angelina, K. A. Borin, M. S. Demchenko and others. On November 14-17, 1935, the First All-Union Meeting of Stakhanovites took place in the Kremlin, which emphasized the outstanding role of the Stakhanov movement in socialist construction. In December 1935, the plenum of the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party (Bolsheviks) specifically discussed the development of industry and transport in connection with the Stakhanov movement. The resolution of the plenum emphasized: “The Stakhanov movement means organizing labor in a new way, rationalization technological processes, correct division of labor in production, freeing skilled workers from secondary preparatory work, better organization of the workplace, ensuring rapid growth labor productivity, ensuring significant growth wages workers and employees."

In accordance with the decisions of the December Plenum of the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks, a wide network of production and technical training was organized, and courses for masters of socialist labor were created for advanced workers. Industry production and technical conferences held in 1936 revised the design capacities of enterprises, and production standards were increased. In 1936, Stakhanov’s five-day, ten-day, and monthly events were held on the scale of entire enterprises. Stakhanov brigades, sections, and workshops were created that achieved sustainable high collective output. The unfolding Stakhanov movement contributed to a significant increase in labor productivity. So, if during the years of the 1st Five-Year Plan (1929-1932) labor productivity in industry of the USSR increased by 41%, then during the years of the 2nd Five-Year Plan (1933-1937) by 82%. The creative initiative of innovators manifested itself with renewed vigor during the 5 years of the Great Patriotic War 1941-1945. Stakhanov's methods were used, such as multi-machine service, combination of professions, and high-speed production and construction technology. The Stakhanovites took the initiative of the movement of the “two hundred men” (two norms or more per shift), and then the “thousand men” (1000% of the norm), the creation of “front-line brigades”.

The experience of the Stakhanov movement retained its significance in the post-war period, when, in conditions of continuous economic and cultural growth, new forms of socialist competition arose. Characteristic of a developed socialist society in the USSR, the movement for a communist attitude to work uses the methods of highly productive labor of the Stakhanovites in order to increase the efficiency of socialist production.

Why did the Stakhanov movement arise?

Why did the Stakhanov movement “suddenly” arise at the end of 1935? What gave him the impetus? Why didn't it arise, say, a year or two ago, when advanced technology was already available? In his exceptionally flat speech to the Stakhanovites, Stalin gave the following explanation for this phenomenon. “Life has become better, life has become more fun. And when life is fun, work gets done” (“Pravda”, November 22, 1935). The matter turns out to be very simple: the Soviet worker increases his labor productivity from the “gaiety” with which, of course, Stalin made him happy. Molotov, who questioned almost every speaker about why he was working with Stakhanovite methods, why now, and not before, gave a more realistic assessment: “In many places, the immediate impetus for the high productivity of Stakhanovites is a simple interest in increasing their earnings” (“ Pravda", November 19, 1935). America, which Stalin was not destined to discover, was bashfully discovered by Molotov. According to all newspaper reports, in all the speeches of the Stakhanovites, a red thread runs through: personal material interest. This is the main stimulus of the Stakhanov movement, and it is this, and only this, that ensures its undoubted growth in the near future.

These conditions of self-interest were created only at the very Lately, in connection with the course towards stabilizing the ruble, the elimination of the card system and rationing supplies in general. Just a few months ago, monetary earnings did not play a relatively large role in the worker’s budget, which was largely built on closed distributors, the factory canteen, etc. More or less earnings in rubles did not matter much under these conditions. In the new conditions, when the ruble again becomes the “universal equivalent” of goods, of course, extremely imperfect and still fragile, but still an “equivalent”, the Soviet workers, in the struggle for higher wages, had an incentive to increase labor productivity, because piecework, piecework , introduced everywhere in the USSR, automatically expresses in rubles the increase in labor productivity of each individual worker. Piece wages, which began to be introduced long ago, became the dominant form of wages in industry and transport, even in those sectors where this caused difficulties due to the collective “team” nature of labor.

In the coal industry, for example, although piecework already existed, partly the so-called brigade piecework, i.e. a team of workers received a salary for the team, in accordance with the products produced by it - the team -; within the team, the salary was divided approximately equally. The conversion is now beginning - and it will undoubtedly be quickly completed where this has not yet been done - to differential piecework, i.e. each worker individually will earn in accordance with the products he produces. To the extent that new technology created the preconditions for the Stakhanov movement, piece payment under the conditions of monetary reform brought this movement to life. And in the contradictory Soviet economy with elements of socialism and capitalism, the Stakhanov movement became not only economically necessary, but to a certain extent - an increase in labor productivity - and progressive. Of course, not as “preparing conditions for the transition from socialism to communism” (Stalin, Pravda, November 22, 1935), but precisely within the framework of the existing transitional and contradictory economy, as preparing, by capitalist methods, the elementary prerequisites for a socialist society. Money and piece wages in the pre-Stalin era were never considered categories not only of communism, but also of socialism. Marx defined piece wages “as the most appropriate to the capitalist mode of production” (“Capital”). And only a bureaucrat who has lost his last Marxist shame can this forced retreat from supposedly already realized “socialism” to money and piecemeal payment, and, consequently, to increased inequality, to overstrain work force and portray the lengthening of the working day as “preparation for the transition to communism.”

Founder of the Stakhanov movement

Alexey Grigorievich Stakhanov (1905, Lugovaya village, Oryol province - 1977, Chistyakov, Donetsk region) - the founder of the Stakhanov movement. Born into a poor peasant family. He worked as a laborer and was a shepherd. For three winters he studied at a rural school, from which he did not graduate (in the questionnaire, in the “education” column, he wrote about himself as “illiterate”). Unable to escape poverty, in 1927 he came to work in the city of Kadievka at the Tsentralnaya-Irmino mine, dreaming of earning money for a horse. In 1935, the mine’s party organizer, K. G. Petrov, suggested that Stakhanov celebrate International Youth Day with a production record. On the night of 30 to 31 August. Stakhanov extracted 102 tons of coal with a jackhammer per shift, exceeding the production norm by 14 times, earning 200 rubles. instead of 25 - 30. This became possible due to preliminary preparation (the fox hounds were instructed to go down into the mine earlier in order to provide a forest of bonfires that strengthened the lava. The horse hounds were called in for the uninterrupted removal of coal) and the correct organization of labor; Stakhanov worked with a jackhammer for the entire shift , two miners secured the ledge behind him, and previously this work was done by one person. However, the mine party committee, having generously rewarded Stakhanov, considered it necessary to “indicate and warn in advance all those who will try to slander comrade Stakhanov and his record as an accident, fictitious, etc., that the party committee will regard them as the worst enemies opposing the best people mines, our country, giving everything to fulfill the instructions of the leader of our party, Comrade Stalin, “on the full use of technology.”

In conditions of unscientific planning, constant storming, imbalances and irregular production, the emphasis was on “labor heroism.” Following Stakhanov, the Stakhanov movement developed in various industries. Stakhanov was awarded the Order of Lenin; in 1936, by decision of the Politburo of the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks, Stakhanov was accepted as a member of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks without candidate experience. Appointed as an instructor at the Sergougol trust, he attended numerous rallies, meetings, and congresses, sitting on the honorary presidium. In 1936 he was admitted to the Industrial Academy and elected to the Supreme Soviet of the USSR. He was provided with an apartment in the famous “House on the Embankment”, security, and company cars. Stakhanov was friends with the son of the leader of all nations, Vasily Stalin... In 1937, Stakhanov’s book “The Story of My Life” was published. In 1941 he was appointed head of the mine in Karaganda. In 1942 he became head of the socialist competition sector at the People's Commissariat of the Coal Industry in Moscow. In 1957 he returned to the Donetsk region, worked as deputy manager of a coal trust; then assistant to the chief engineer of the mine administration. In 1970 he was awarded the second Order of Lenin and awarded the title of Hero of Social Labor. In 1977, Kadievka was renamed the city of Stakhanov. On September 19, the city of Stakhanov set a new record, producing 227 tons of coal per shift. Stakhanov’s labor feat simply could not go unnoticed; a real record mania began in the country, capturing all spheres of the country’s life. The Stakhanov movement expanded and sometimes reached oddities.

Stakhanov movement and differentiation in the working class

The introduction of piecework wages inevitably introduces deep stratification among the Soviet working class itself. If this stratification was restrained until recently by rationing supplies - food cards, factory distributors and canteens - then in the conditions of the transition to a money economy, the widest scope is open to it. It is unlikely that in any of the advanced capitalist countries there is such a profound difference in the wages of workers as there is now in the USSR. A miner-miner, a non-Stakhanovite, earns 400-500 rubles a month. maximum, Stakhanovite more than 1,600 rubles. An auxiliary horse driver receives only 170 rubles. (not a Stakhanovite) and 400 - a Stakhanovite (Pravda, November 16, 1935), i.e. one worker earns approximately ten times more than another. Meanwhile, 170 rubles is not the lowest salary at all, but the average according to Soviet statistics. There are workers who earn 150, 120 and even 100 rubles. Marker Kozlov (Machine Tool Plant, Gorky) earned 950 rubles in the first half of October (Pravda, November 26, 1935), i.e. more than eleven times more than a horse-trading worker and 16 times more than a worker earning 120 rubles. Stakhanovka weavers earn 500 or more rubles, non-Stakhanovka weavers earn 150 or less (Pravda, November 18, 1935).

The examples we have given do not indicate extreme boundaries in either direction. It would be easy to show that the wages of the privileged strata of the working class (the labor aristocracy in the real sense of the word) are related as 20:1, and perhaps more, to the wages of its low-paid strata. And to this we must also add other everyday privileges of the Stakhanovites: preferential service with vouchers to rest homes and sanatoriums; renovation of apartments; free places for children in kindergartens (Trud, October 23, 1935); free movie tickets; Stakhanovites are shaved free of charge and out of turn (Donbass, Trud, November 1, 1935); free home teachers for Stakhanovites and their families (Trud, November 2, 1935), etc., the right to free calls to a doctor day and night, etc.

There is an opinion that the Stalinist leadership places the Stakhanovites in a very privileged position, not only in order to encourage them to increase labor productivity, but also consciously promotes the differentiation of the working class, with the political goal of relying on an albeit narrower, but also more reliable base: the labor aristocracy. The increasing differentiation in the working class, the separation from it of a privileged elite, the labor aristocracy, extremely aggravate the internal antagonisms within the working class itself. It is not surprising, therefore, that the Stakhanov movement was met with hostility by the working masses. Even the Soviet press is unable to hide this.

If we take the salaries of specialists, the picture of inequality becomes downright ominous. Chief Engineer mine (a random mine that performs tasks well), Ostroglyadov, earns 8,600 rubles per month; and this is an ordinary person, not a major specialist, and his earnings, therefore, cannot be considered exceptional. Thus, specialists often earn 80-100 times more than unskilled workers, and such inequality has been achieved now, 18 years after the October Revolution, almost on the eve - according to Stalin - of the “transition from socialism to communism”!

Hostility takes different forms: from jokes, bullying to murder, and communist workers and even low-level officials of the party and trade unions participate in bullying Stakhanovites (Trud, November 3, 1935). Leaders call for a fight against “pests.”

Stalin's chairman of Ukraine, Postyshev, declares: “The fight against saboteurs and resisters of the Stakhanov movement... is now one of the most important areas of the class struggle” (Pravda, November 13, 1935). Stalin’s governor in Leningrad, Zhdanov, says the same thing: “At some enterprises, the Stakhanov movement met resistance, including from backward workers.

The party will stop at nothing to sweep away all those who resist it from the path of victory of the Stakhanov movement" (Pravda, November 18, 1935). Will these threats have an effect on the workers? From the excerpts below, in any case, we will see that workers are not inclined to give in without a fight where their vital interests are at stake." Trud, November 18, 1935, reports that "at mine No. 5, miner Kirillov beat the site manager, who demanded that he correctly attach the Stakhanovite Zamsteev to the miner." The fact is that the use of Stakhanov's methods in coal mines led to a significant reduction in miners (for example, in Stakhanov's own mine, their number was reduced from 36 to 24). Although they are not threatened by unemployment, some of them were transferred to auxiliary work as a fixer, significantly worse paid. This was the situation in which the slaughterer Kirillov found himself. The same issue of Trud tells how two workers “conducted malicious agitation against Stakhanov’s methods. Dyagtirev persuaded the foreman of the Stakhanovist brigade, Kurlichev, not to work. As a result, work on the site was disrupted."

The Stakhanovites complain that only when “there is supervision, work goes on” (Trud, September 24, 1935). In Odessa, at a heavy engineering plant, turner Polyakov attacked the Stakhanovite Korenny with an iron bar. Polyakov was expelled from the union, expelled from work, and a show trial is expected to be held against him (Trud, October 23, 1935). In Mariupol, at the Azovstal plant, two workers, Chistyakov and Khomenko, were sentenced to 4 and 2 years in prison for threatening to kill a Stakhanovite foreman. At the Krasny Shtampovshchik plant, a Stakhanovite worker found a dirty broom on her machine with a note attached: “Comrade Belaya is presented with a bouquet of flowers for fulfilling three standards” (Trud, November 1, 1935). It took six days to identify the “culprits.” Trade union organizer Muravyov was among them. They have been fired from work. The higher authorities demand that the case be transferred to the court. "Trud" of November 12, 1935 reports that "the textile workers who switched to compact work have encountered and are encountering great obstacles. The class struggle reminds itself at every step." A small example: "They opened the windows and let out all the moisture, the room was polluted to the limit." At another factory, “the shuttle boxes of dozens of machines were smeared with soap. Behind all this we see sabotage actions. At the Bolshevik factory, the worker Odintsova, working on 144 automated machines, was attacked by an insolent enemy (that is, the same worker. - M. N.) mocked in the most open way."

A Stakhanovite worker tells how they bully her: “they came up to me with these words: How thin you have become and how pale you have become, don’t you feel sorry for your life.” “Izvestia” of October 28 tells how in barracks No. 25 of the Cardboard Factory in Moscow, the workers Kholmogorovs, father and son, “reproached the Stakhanovite Solovin that with his work he would eventually achieve a reduction in prices... The Kholmogorovs persuaded those who lived with "They were workers Naumov and Nepekin, and they set fire to paper at the feet of the sleeping Solovin. As a result of this brutal crime, Solovin received serious burns. The criminals were arrested." At the Aviakhim plant, worker Krykov systematically exceeded the quota, while higher-level workers produced less than him. “On October 14, everything became clear. Karpov gave Krykov the following note: Comrade Krykov, don’t drive so fast and don’t exceed the norm, but ask for more prices...”. Krykov complained to the administration and the worker Karpov was first fired and, after repentance, reinstated with a severe reprimand (Pravda, October 31, 1935). The same issue of Pravda reports that in Smolensk, “backward workers began to persecute the Stakhanovist turner Likhoradov... It got to the point that a certain Sviridov broke a gear and broke the belts on the Likhoradov machine.” Likhoradov himself says (Pravda, November 17, 1935): “When I made 7 pieces of bandages (i.e., I significantly exceeded the norm), such a story arose in the workshop, hostile elements were ready to simply eat me.” Soviet newspapers call workers resisting the Stakhanov movement “accident workers” who contribute to accidents and breakdowns of mechanisms: “accidents and breakdowns of mechanisms are a favorite means of fighting against the Stakhanov movement” (“Trud”).

Pravda of November 3, 1935 reports that in Tambov, four Stakhanovite workers “arrived at work and discovered that their tool boxes had been broken into and their tools stolen.” The severity of the struggle is also indicated by the fact that in some, fortunately rare, cases, it takes on the character of terrorist acts. “On the evening of October 25, the best drummer, a mechanic at the Trud plant, I. Shmyrev, was killed... The criminals were arrested” (Pravda, October 29, 1935). A few weeks later, Pravda reported that “a military tribunal sentenced the murderers of Stakhanovite Shmyrev to death.” At the Ivan mine in Makeevugol, the best Stakhanovite Nikolai Tsekhnov was killed “to disrupt the transfer of the site to the Stakhanov system... The criminals were arrested” (Izvestia, October 30 and November 2, 1935). We have already mentioned that Stakhanovites often work at the expense of their worker neighbors. "Trud" of October 23, 1935 reports: "The Stakhanovite is busy with work, and his neighbor is idle." And in another place: “The successes of the Stakhanovites required the reduction of workers in some areas, a new struggle began” 1. Shura Dmitrieva, a Stakhanovite, directly stated to the chairman of the factory committee: “I don’t like it. Either get work for everyone, or get layoffs, otherwise I’ll stop working like this.” It is not difficult to imagine the mood in the factories under these conditions.

The foreman of the 1st May factory (Leningrad) Soldatov says: “When there were no Stakhanovites, there was no downtime, but with the Stakhanovites there was downtime” (Trud, October 24). We have cited so many newspaper excerpts to show the severity of the struggle within the working class around the Stakhanov movement. If the Stakhanov movement does not yet threaten the Soviet worker with unemployment - the rapidly growing industry is still able to absorb all the freed up labor - then it threatens him with downtime, transfer to helpers, physical overexertion, reduced wages, etc., etc. Further stratification of the working class means increasing economic inequality and strife. It would be absurd to think that the majority or even a significant part of the working class could become Stakhanovites. The increase in wages of Stakhanovites is already, undoubtedly, an object of concern for the bureaucracy. Busy with stabilizing the Soviet currency, it cannot “throw around” the ruble. Stalin openly proclaimed that it was necessary to reconsider the current technical standards “as not corresponding to reality, they have lagged behind and turned into a brake... They must be replaced with new, higher technical standards,” which “are also needed in order to pull the lagging masses to the advanced ones.” ".

Clear enough. According to Stalin, these new norms should “take place somewhere in the middle between the current technical norms and the norms that the Stakhanovs and Busygins achieved” (Pravda, November 22). And the rise in technical standards will undoubtedly soon be followed by a reduction in prices, i.e. hit to wages. At a number of enterprises, prices were reduced by directors immediately after the first records of the Stakhanovites. The Soviet worker senses this, it worries him, and he looks for ways to self-defense and protests in his own way, as we have seen from the facts presented above. It is very likely that we stand in the USSR on the eve of serious economic defensive battles of the working class. This struggle will inevitably have, at least at the beginning, a partisan and fragmented character. The working class in the Soviet Union does not have its own trade unions, does not have a party. That completely degenerate bureaucratic organization, which is called trade unions, is recognized by the bureaucrats themselves (from other departments) as a completely bankrupt appendage to economic organizations. This admission is now made openly in the Soviet press. The issues of protecting the professional interests of the working class will acquire enormous importance in the USSR in the very near future.

Workers will inevitably strive to create their own organizations, albeit extremely primitive and artisanal, but still capable of defending the direct interests of workers in the field of working hours, rest, vacations and wages and putting a barrier to the pressure of the bureaucracy along the line of intensification under the flag of the Stakhanov movement and under other flags . The task of the Bolsheviks-Leninists is to help the working class of the USSR in this struggle against monstrous bureaucratic perversions in the field of increasing labor productivity. It is necessary, in particular, to help the advanced Soviet worker - on the basis active participation in increasing the economic power of the country - to correctly formulate, put forward and popularize among the masses the basic demands-slogans, a kind of minimum program to protect the interests of the working class from the bureaucracy, its arbitrariness, violence, privileges and corruption. It is very likely that on the basis of industrial success and a certain increase in the standard of living of the masses, at least their upper strata - an increase that is extremely lagging behind industrial growth - the Soviet worker is precisely from this end, i.e. from protecting their elementary economic interests, will join the political struggle again. Then the prospect of revival will open before the October Revolution. Another very significant reason for records should be sought in the fact that we are not dealing with an average day in ordinary production conditions, but with completely special training, often over a fairly long period of time, and that the record holder works under monstrous tension, under which he, of course, unable to hold out for any length of time

Results of the Stakhanov movement

The Stakhanov movement made it possible in many cases to improve the situation in production. However, many problems arose during the campaign. The country's leadership decided that the new movement indicated the possibility of another “great leap” - a sharp simultaneous increase in labor productivity. Enterprises began to demand that the achievements of individual lighthouse workers become the norm for entire teams. The spurring of “complete Stakhanovization” gave rise to mass storming and disorganization, the pursuit of records to the detriment of the quality of work, and in some cases, the collapse of production. As a result, another wave of repression swept across the country. This time, Stalin made the “scapegoats” of “saboteurs” and “conservatives” from among the economic leaders who allegedly did not change their ways and interfered with the work of the Stakhanovites. Technical and organizational problems were assessed as political. “Comrade Stalin,” explained the magazine “Soviet Justice” (1936. No. 1. P. 3), “said that the Stakhanov movement is fundamentally deeply revolutionary, and therefore the Prosecutor’s Office of the Republic believes that the deliberate disruption of the Stakhanov movement is a counter-revolutionary action.” .

“Stakhanovization” penetrated into all spheres of the country’s life, often taking the wildest forms.

An eloquent example of this is the order of the People's Commissar of Internal Affairs of the Kirghiz SSR “On the results of socialist competition of the 3rd and 4th departments of the UGB NKVD of the Republic for February 1938.” 1, which, in particular, said: “The 4th department exceeded the number of arrests per month by one and a half times compared to the 3rd department and exposed spies, participants in the radical revolution. (counter-revolutionary. - Comp.) organizations have 13 more people than the 3rd department... however, the 3rd department transferred 20 cases to the Military College and 11 cases to the special board, which the 4th department does not have, but the 4th the department exceeded the number of cases completed by its apparatus (not counting the periphery) considered by the troika by almost a hundred people” (Izvestia of the Central Committee of the CPSU. 1989. No. 5. P. 74-75). Stalin also announced that further development movement depends on the determination of the fight against enemies. They were looked for everywhere: among workers, and especially among engineering and technical workers. The reason for prosecution could be careless word addressed to the Stakhanovites, production problems, failure to fulfill the plan.

The Politburo’s view of the Stakhanov movement can be judged by the following statement by Zhdanov on April 5, 1936 at the Stakhanovite-ITR Leningrad conference: “We must... firmly remember the instructions of our leader, who said that we must develop the Stakhanov movement in breadth... with on the other hand, as Comrade Stalin said, give a light punch in the teeth to all those who stand in the way of the Stakhanov movement.”



ABSTRACT

STAKHANOV AND THE STAKHANOV MOVEMENT

Performed:

Popova Tatyana Vladimirovna

additional education teacher

MKOU Maloalabukhskaya secondary school

With. Malye Alabukhi 1st

2015

Content

1. Introduction

2 . Biography of A.G. Stakhanov.

3. The concept of “Stakhanov movement”.

4. The reasons for the emergence of the Stakhanov movement.

5. The influence of the Stakhanov movement on the working class.

6. Results of the movement.

7. References

Introduction

At all times, at any time historical era, there were, are and will be people who in one way or another influenced and to this day continue to influence the course of history, whose destinies are inextricably linked with the common fate of our people.

One of them is Alexey Stakhanov, a man who was able to organize the rationalization of technological processes in a new way, contributed to the correct division of labor in production, freeing skilled workers from secondary preparatory work, improved the organization of the workplace, thereby ensuring rapid growth in labor productivity and wages of workers and employees. He is the founder of a mass movement of innovators, which in a short time was able to cover all sectors of industry, as well as transport, construction, agriculture, and spread throughout the Soviet Union.

In connection with the above, I believe that the topic of the Stakhanov movement is no less relevant today than in Soviet times. Representatives of this movement were true patriots. The Stakhanovites sought to increase labor productivity with the help of innovative technologies, and for our country at the present stage of its development it is extremely necessary to adopt this experience.

Target

Study the history of the Stakhanov movement.

Tasks

1. Get acquainted with the biography of A.G. Stakhanov.

1. Consider the concept of “Stakhanov movement”.

2. Find out the reasons for the emergence of the Stakhanov movement.

4. Identify the influence of the Stakhanov movement on the working class.

5. Consider the results of the movement.

Biography of A.G. Stakhanov

Alexei Stakhanov, in all his physiological and aesthetic parameters, is similar to the epic hero (tall, stocky, fair-haired, with a wide-open, sympathetic soul), born into a poor peasant family, living in the small village of Lugovaya, Oryol province. The small plot of land that was in the possession of the Stakhanovs brought a rather meager harvest. The land in these places was not very fertile. On top of that, during the war the families were sent to the front, and the horse, the only breadwinner at that time, was confiscated. To support his mother and two sisters, young Alyosha Stakhanov hired out as farm laborers. His main dream at that time was to buy a horse, certainly a bay horse (like the owner’s) and thereby improve the financial situation of the family. However, the deaths of his parents soon followed one after another, and the future Hero of Labor and leader of production had to move to Donbass at the age of twenty-one and tie up his family. future fate exactly with him. Alexey Grigorievich Stakhanov became a miner, whose name is still remembered thanks to his selfless labor feat and personality and production activities which continues to be debated, given ambiguous and sometimes extremely opposing characteristics.

It all started with the fact that in 1935 the party organizer of the mine K.G. Petrov suggested that Stakhanov celebrate International Youth Day with a production record . Having agreed, Alexey extracted 102 tons of coal with a jackhammer during the night of August 30-31, exceeding the production norm by 14 times and earning 200 rubles. instead of 25 - 30. This became possible only due to preliminary preparation (the fox-runners were instructed to go down into the mine earlier in order to provide a forest of bonfires that “strengthened” the lava; the horse-drivers were called in for the uninterrupted removal of coal) and the correct organization of labor. Despite the fact that the success Stakhanov was supported by the forces of three more people, all the glory and laurels went to him alone. The mine’s party committee, having generously rewarded Stakhanov, considered it necessary “to indicate in advance and warn all those who would try to slander comrade Stakhanov and his record as accidental, fictitious, etc.” etc., that the party committee will regard them as the worst enemies, opposing the best people of the mine, of our country, who are giving everything to carry out the instructions of the leader of our party, Comrade Stalin, “on the full use of technology”

In that distant time of the 30s, the country needed a person who could lead the working people by example. We understand perfectly well that Stakhanov did not work alone to achieve his records - the country relied on “labor heroism.”

Thanks to Stakhanov, the Stakhanov movement developed in various industries.

In 1936, by decision of the Politburo of the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks, Alexei Stakhanov was accepted as a member of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks without candidate experience, awarded the Order of Lenin, appointed as an instructor at the Sergougol trust, attended numerous rallies, meetings, congresses, sitting on the honorary presidium . In the same year he was elected to the Supreme Soviet of the USSR . He was provided with an apartment in the famous “House on the Embankment”, security, and company cars. Stakhanov was friends with the son of the leader of all nations, Vasily Stalin... In 1937, Stakhanov’s book “The Story of My Life” was published. In 1941 he was appointed head of the mine in Karaganda. In 1942 he became the head of the socialist competition sector in the People's Commissariat of the Coal Industry in Moscow. In 1957 he returned to the Donetsk region, worked as deputy manager of a coal trust; then assistant to the chief engineer of the mine administration. In 1970 he was awarded the second Order of Lenin and awarded the title of Hero of Social Labor. In 1977, Kadievka was renamed the city of Stakhanov. On September 19, Alexey set a new record, producing 227 tons of coal per shift.

And I believe that such a labor feat, of course, could not go unnoticed; it was with him that real record-mania began in the country.

The concept of “Stakhanov movement”

In the 2nd Five-Year Plan, in 1935, the concept of the “Stakhanov movement” arose as a new stage in socialist competition. It was named “Stakhanovsky” after its founder - the miner of the Central - Irmino mine (Donbass) A.G. Stakhanov. Stakhanov mass movement of advanced workers, collective farmers, engineering and technical workers for increasing labor productivity. Communist Party supported it, and in a short time it covered all sectors of industry, transport, construction, agriculture and subsequently spread throughout the Soviet Union. It is possible to single out individual industrial sectors that had their own “Stakhanovite” leaders: the automobile industry A.Kh. Busygin, shoe shop - N.S. Smetanin, in textile - E.V. and M.I. Vinogradovs, in the machine tool industry - I.I. Gudov, in the forest - V.S. Musinsky, in railway transport - P.F. Krivonos, in agriculture - P.N. Angelina, K.A. Borin, M.S. Demchenko and others .

On November 14-17, 1935, the First All-Union Meeting of Stakhanovites took place in the Kremlin, which emphasized the outstanding role of the Stakhanov movement in socialist construction. In December of the same year, the plenum of the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks discussed the development of industry and transport. In connection with the Stakhanov movement, the plenum resolution emphasized: “The Stakhanov movement means organizing labor in a new way, rationalizing technological processes, correct division of labor in production, freeing skilled workers from secondary preparatory work, better organization of the workplace, ensuring rapid growth in labor productivity, and wages of workers and employees." In accordance with the decisions of the December Plenum of the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks, a wide training network was organized for advanced workers, and courses for masters of socialist labor were created.

In 1936, after a production and technical conference, the design capacities of enterprises were revised and production standards were increased. Stakhanov's five-day, ten-day, and monthly work began to be held on the scale of entire enterprises; Stakhanov's brigades, sections, and workshops were created, which achieved sustainable high collective output.

The unfolding Stakhanov movement contributed to a significant increase in labor productivity. So, if during the years of the 1st Five-Year Plan (1929-1932) labor productivity in industry of the USSR increased by 41%, then during the years of the 2nd Five-Year Plan (1933-1937) - by 82% .

The Stakhanov movement showed all its power during the Great Patriotic War of 1941-1945. Stakhanov's methods were used, such as multi-machine service, combination of professions, and high-speed production and construction technology. The Stakhanovites took the initiative of the movement of the “two hundred men” (two norms or more per shift), and then the “thousanders” (1000% of the norm), the creation of “front-line brigades” .

The experience of the Stakhanov movement was especially useful in the post-war period, when, in conditions of continuous economic and cultural growth, new forms of socialist competition arose.

We can safely say that in such difficult war and post-war times, the Stakhanov movement was simply salvation for the country.

Reasons for the emergence of the Stakhanov movement

What is the Stakhanov movement and how did it arise?

The fact that this record of Stakhanov was purely propaganda is evidenced by the fact that already at six o’clock in the morning on August 31, 1935, a plenum of the party committee took place right at the mine. The Plenum decided:

1. Put the name of Comrade Stakhanov on the Board of Honor of the best people of the mine.

2. Give him a bonus in the amount of a month’s salary.

3. By September 3, provide Comrade. Stakhanov's apartment from among the apartments of technical personnel, install a telephone in it.

4. Ask the mine manager, Comrade Fesenko, to allow the mine manager, at the expense of the mine, to equip Comrade Stakhanov’s apartment with everything necessary and upholstered furniture.

5. From September 1, allocate two personalized seats in the club for A. Stakhanov and his wife for all films, performances, and all kinds of evenings.” .

The young miner really liked this material incentive and, using party support, on September 19 he was already producing 29 (!!!) shift norms per shift. According to the recollections of the people who worked with him, Stakhanov’s system of work began to consist in the fact that several people worked for him, providing him with assistance and shipment of coal, which made it possible for the leading innovator to set records that exceeded reasonable dimensions.

But we cannot discount the fact that unique conditions were created for Alexey Grigorievich’s records. He received the best plots and tools. Not surprisingly, other workers immediately demanded the same working conditions. But it was not possible to organize work in this way throughout all coal mining.

However, despite the fact that it was obvious that the record could not become the norm, on September 11 in the Pravda newspaper The term “Stakhanov movement” appeared. Initially, it was used to define the struggle to increase labor productivity only in the coal industry, but on November 13 it was extended to all areas of production.

The Stakhanov movement quickly spread throughout the country. By mid-November, almost every enterprise in heavy and light industry had its own Stakhanovites. And not only in industry. Dentists pledged to triple the standard for tooth extraction, ballerinas performed fouettés “Stakhanov style,” theaters produced twelve premieres instead of two, and professors committed to increase the number of publications and scientific discoveries.

Reading newspaper reports, personal material interest runs through the speeches of Stakhanovites as a red thread. This is the main stimulus of the Stakhanov movement, and it is this and only this that ensures its undoubted growth in the near future. But in fact, the conditions for personal interest were created only very recently, in connection with the course towards stabilizing the ruble and the elimination of cards. Just a few months ago, monetary earnings did not play a relatively large role in the worker’s budget; it was largely built on closed distributors, in the factory canteen, etc. More or less earnings in rubles did not have a major significance in these conditions. Under new circumstances, when the ruble again becomes the “universal equivalent” of goods, of course, extremely imperfect and still fragile, the Soviet workers, in the struggle for higher wages, created an incentive to increase labor productivity, because piecework, piece wages, introduced everywhere in the USSR, automatically express in rubles, the increase in labor productivity of each individual worker. Piece wages, which began to be introduced long ago, became the dominant form of wages in industry and transport, even in those sectors where this caused difficulties due to the collective “team” nature of labor. In the coal industry, for example, although piecework already existed, partly the so-called brigade piecework, i.e. a team of workers received a salary for everyone, in accordance with the products produced by it - the team - inside, but its salary was divided approximately equally. The transfer is now beginning, and it will undoubtedly be quickly completed where this has not yet been done, to differential piecework, i.e. each worker individually will earn in accordance with the products he produces. To the extent that new technology created the preconditions for the Stakhanov movement, piece payment under the conditions of monetary reform brought this movement to life. And in the contradictory Soviet economy with elements of socialism and capitalism, the Stakhanov movement became not only economically necessary, but to a certain extent - an increase in labor productivity - and progressive . Of course, not as “preparing conditions for the transition from socialism to communism” (Stalin, Pravda, November 22, 1935), but precisely within the framework of the existing transitional and contradictory economy, as preparing, by capitalist methods, the elementary prerequisites for a socialist society. Money and piece wages in the pre-Stalin era were never considered categories not only of communism, but also of socialism. Marx defined her payment “as the most appropriate to the capitalist mode of production” (“Capital”). And only a bureaucrat who has lost his last Marxist shame can portray this forced retreat from supposedly already realized “socialism” to money and piecemeal payment, and, consequently, to increased inequality, to overexertion of the labor force and to a lengthening of the working day, as “preparation for the transition to communism.” " .

The influence of the Stakhanov movement on the working class

The introduction of piecework wages is causing deep stratification among the Soviet working class. Previously, it was restrained by norms: cards, factory distributors, canteens, but in the conditions of the transition to a money economy, the widest scope was opened for this stratification.

The Stakhanov movement led to an intensification of conflicts between a small group of advanced workers, who were paid high and very high wages, and the rest of the workers, who, based on “Stalin’s records,” regularly increased production standards.

At that time in the USSR in wages between Stakhanovite and

not being a Stakhanovite made a huge difference. A simple miner - miner received 400-500 rubles. maximum, and a Stakhanovite is more than 1600 rubles, i.e. one worker earns approximately ten times more than another.

Meanwhile, 170 rubles is not the lowest salary at all, but the average according to Soviet statistics. There are workers who earn 150, 120 and even 100 rubles. Marker Kozlov (Machine Tool Plant, Gorky) earned 950 rubles in the first half of October , i.e. more than eleven times more than a horse-trading worker and 16 times more than a worker earning 120 rubles. Stakhanovka weavers earn 500 or more rubles, non-Stakhanovka weavers earn 150 or less . And to this we must also add other everyday privileges of the Stakhanovites: preferential service with vouchers to rest homes and sanatoriums; renovation of apartments; free places for children in kindergartens ; free movie tickets; Stakhanovites are shaved free of charge and out of turn, free home teachers for Stakhanovites and their families, etc., the right to free call a doctor day and night, etc.

The Stakhanovites were placed in a very privileged position, not only in order to encourage them to increase labor productivity, but also deliberately contribute to the division of the working class, with the political goal of relying on a narrower, but also more reliable base: the labor aristocracy. It is not surprising that the Stakhanov movement was met with hostility by the working masses. Even the Soviet press is unable to hide this.

If we take the salaries of specialists, the picture of inequality becomes downright ominous. Professionals often earn 80-100 times more than unskilled workers, and such inequality has been achieved now, 18 years after the October Revolution, almost on the eve - according to Stalin - of the “transition from socialism to communism”!

Hostility takes many forms: from jokes, bullying to murder. Moreover, communist workers and even lower party officials also take part in bullying the Stakhanovites. When the question is raised about vital interests, workers are usually not inclined to give in.

Further stratification of the working class means greater economic inequality and divisions. To think that the majority or at least a significant part of the working class will be able to become Stakhanovites is stupid. The rise in their salaries is undoubtedly a concern for the bureaucracy.

At a number of enterprises, prices were reduced by directors immediately after the first records of the Stakhanovites. This worries the Soviet worker, and he looks for ways to self-defense and protests in his own way. The issues of protecting the professional interests of the working class are acquiring enormous importance in the USSR. Workers will inevitably strive to create their own organizations, albeit extremely primitive and artisanal, but still capable of defending their direct interests in the field of working hours, rest, vacations and wages, and putting a barrier to the pressure of the bureaucracy along the line of intensification under the flag of the Stakhanov movement and under other flags . The task of the Bolsheviks-Leninists is to help the working class of the USSR in this struggle against monstrous bureaucratic perversions in the field of increasing labor productivity. It is necessary, in particular, to help the advanced Soviet worker, on the basis of active participation in increasing the economic power of the country - to correctly formulate, put forward and popularize among the masses the basic demands-slogans, a kind of minimum program in defense of the interests of the working class from the bureaucracy, its arbitrariness, violence, privileges and corruption. It is very likely that on the basis of industrial success and a certain increase in the standard of living of the masses, at least their upper strata, an increase that is extremely lagging behind industrial growth, the Soviet worker is precisely from this end, i.e. from protecting their elementary economic interests, will join the political struggle again. Then the prospect of revival will open before the October Revolution. Another very significant reason for records should be sought in the fact that we are not dealing with an average day in ordinary production conditions, but with completely special training, often over a fairly long period of time, and that the record holder works under monstrous tension, under which he, of course, unable to hold out for any length of time. It is interesting to note that the Stakhanov brigade has created a special function of a worker replacing the tired, a function that, in essence, involves a special overstrain of labor .

Results of the movement

The Stakhanov movement made it possible in many cases to improve the situation in production. However, many problems arose during the campaign. The country's leadership decided that the new movement indicated the possibility of another “great leap” that would increase labor productivity. Enterprises began to demand that the achievements of individual front-line workers become the norm for entire teams. This gave rise to a massive pursuit of records to the detriment of the quality of work, and sometimes to the collapse of production. As a result, another wave of repression swept across the country. This time, Stalin made the “scapegoats” of “saboteurs” and “conservatives” from among the economic leaders who allegedly did not reform and interfered with the work of the Stakhanovites . Technical and organizational problems were assessed as political. “Comrade Stalin,” explained the magazine “Soviet Justice” , - said that the Stakhanov movement is fundamentally deeply revolutionary, and therefore the Prosecutor’s Office of the Republic believes that the deliberate disruption of the Stakhanov movement is a counter-revolutionary action.”

“Stakhanovization” penetrated into all spheres of the country’s life, often taking the wildest forms.

An eloquent example of this is the order of the People's Commissar of Internal Affairs of the Kirghiz SSR “On the results of socialist competition of the 3rd and 4th departments of the UGB NKVD of the Republic for February 1938,”1 which, in particular, said: “4th department one and a half times exceeded the number of arrests per month compared to the 3rd department and exposed spies and participants in the radical revolution. (counter-revolutionary - Comp.) organizations have 13 more people than the 3rd department... however, the 3rd department transferred 20 cases to the Military College and 11 cases to the special board, which the 4th department does not have, but the 4th the department exceeded the number of cases completed by its apparatus (not counting the periphery) considered by the troika by almost a hundred people” (Izvestia of the Central Committee of the CPSU. 1989. No. 5. P. 74-75). Stalin also announced that the further development of the movement depended on the decisiveness of the fight against enemies. They were looked for everywhere: among workers, and especially among engineering and technical workers. The reason for persecution could be a careless word addressed to Stakhanovites, production problems, failure to fulfill the plan .

The Politburo’s view of the Stakhanov movement can be judged by the following statement by Zhdanov on April 5, 1936 at the Stakhanovite-ITR Leningrad conference: “We must... firmly remember the instructions of our leader, who said that we must develop the Stakhanov movement in breadth... with on the other hand, as Comrade Stalin said, give a light punch in the teeth to all those who stand in the way of the Stakhanov movement.”

Bibliography

Evstafiev G. N. [electronic resource]. - http://slovari.yandex.ru/dict/bse/article/00074/51300.htm.

Magazine “Soviet Justice” 1936. No. 1.

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Newspaper "Trud", October 23, November 1, November 2, 1935