What was the name of the international association of communist parties? What is an international and how many were there? Conference participants

Many people know that the Communist International is an international organization that united communist parties different countries in 1919-1943. Some people call this same organization the Third International, or the Comintern.

This formation was founded in 1919, at the request of the RCP (b) and its leader V.I. Lenin for the dissemination and development of the ideas of international revolutionary socialism, which, in comparison with the reformist socialism of the Second International, was a completely opposite phenomenon. The gap between these two coalitions occurred due to differences in positions regarding the First World War and the October Revolution.

Congresses of the Comintern

Congresses of the Comintern were not held very often. Let's look at them in order:

First (Constitutive). Organized in 1919 (March) in Moscow. It was attended by 52 delegates from 35 groups and parties from 21 countries.
Second Congress. Held from July 19 to August 7 in Petrograd. At this event, a number of decisions were made on the tactics and strategy of communist activity, such as models of participation in the national liberation movement of communist parties, the rules for the party’s entry into the 3rd International, the Charter of the Comintern, and so on. At that moment the Department was created international cooperation Comintern.
Third Congress. Held in Moscow in 1921, from June 22 to July 12. 605 delegates from 103 parties and structures attended this event.
Fourth Congress. The event took place from November to December 1922. It was attended by 408 delegates, sent by 66 parties and enterprises from 58 countries. By decision of the congress, the International Enterprise for Assistance to Revolutionary Fighters was organized.
The fifth meeting of the Communist International was held from June to July 1924. The participants decided to turn the national communist parties into Bolshevik ones: to change their tactics in light of the defeat of the revolutionary uprisings in Europe.
The Sixth Congress was held from July to September 1928. At this meeting, participants assessed the political world situation as transitional to the newest stage. She was characterized economic crisis, spreading throughout the planet, and the intensification of class struggle. Members of Congress managed to develop the thesis of social fascism. They made a statement that the political cooperation of the communists with both the right and left social democrats was impossible. In addition, during this conference the Charter and Program of the Communist International were adopted.
The seventh conference was held in 1935, from July 25 to August 20. The basic theme of the meeting was the idea of consolidating forces and fighting the growing fascist threat. During this period, the Workers' United Front was created, which was a body for coordinating the activities of workers of various political interests.

Story

In general, communist internationals are very interesting to study. So, it is known that the Trotskyists approved the first four congresses, the supporters of left communism only the first two. As a result of the campaigns of 1937-1938, most sections of the Comintern were liquidated. The Polish section of the Comintern was eventually officially dissolved.

Of course, the political parties of the 20th century underwent a lot of changes. Repressions against figures of the communist international movement who found themselves in the USSR for one reason or another began even before Germany and the USSR entered into a non-aggression pact in 1939.

Marxism-Leninism was very popular among the people. And already at the beginning of 1937, members of the directorate of the German Communist Party G. Remmele, H. Eberlein, F. Schulte, G. Neumann, G. Kippenberger, leaders of the Yugoslav Communist Party M. Fillipovich, M. Gorkich were arrested. V. Chopic commanded the fifteenth Lincoln International Brigade in Spain, but when he returned, he was also arrested.

As you can see, communist internationals were created by a large number of people. Also, a prominent figure in the international communist movement, the Hungarian Bela Kun, and many leaders of the Polish Communist Party - J. Pashin, E. Pruchniak, M. Kossutska, J. Lenski and many others were also repressed. Former Greek Communist Party A. Kaitas was arrested and shot. One of the leaders of the Communist Party of Iran, A. Sultan-Zadeh, received the same fate: he was a member of the Executive Committee of the Comintern, a delegate of the II, III, IV and VI congresses.

It should be noted that political parties of the 20th century differed big amount intrigue. Stalin accused the leaders of the Communist Party of Poland of anti-Bolshevism, Trotskyism, and anti-Soviet positions. His speeches were the reason for physical reprisals against Jerzy Czeszejko-Sochatsky and other leaders of the Polish communists (1933). Some were repressed in 1937.

Marxism-Leninism, in fact, was not a bad teaching. But in 1938, the Presidium of the Executive Committee of the Comintern decided to dissolve the Polish Communist Party. The founders of the Communist Party of Hungary and the leaders of the Hungarian Soviet Republic - F. Bayaki, D. Bokanyi, Bela Kun, I. Rabinovich, J. Kelen, L. Gavro, S. Szabados, F. Karikas - found themselves under a wave of repression. The Bulgarian communists who moved to the USSR were repressed: Kh. Rakovsky, R. Avramov, B. Stomonyakov.

Romanian communists also began to be destroyed. In Finland, the founders of the Communist Party G. Rovio and A. Shotman, General First Secretary K. Manner and many of their associates were repressed.

It is known that communist internationals did not appear out of nowhere. For their sake, more than a hundred Italian communists living in the Soviet Union in the 1930s suffered. They were all arrested and transported to camps. Mass repressions did not pass by the leaders and activists of the communist parties of Lithuania, Latvia, Western Ukraine, Estonia and Western Belarus (before their annexation to the USSR).

Structure of the Comintern

So, we have looked at the congresses of the Comintern, and now we will look at the structure of this organization. Its Charter was adopted in August 1920. It was written: “In essence, the International of Communists is obliged to actually and truly represent a worldwide unified communist party, separate branches of which operate in each state.”

It is known that the leadership of the Comintern was carried out through the Executive Committee (ECCI). Until 1922, it consisted of representatives delegated by the Communist Parties. And since 1922 he was elected by the Comintern Congress. The Small Bureau of the ECCI appeared in July 1919. In September 1921 it was renamed the Presidium of the ECCI. The ECCI Secretariat was created in 1919 and dealt with personnel and organizational issues. This organization existed until 1926. And the Organizational Bureau (Orgburo) of the ECCI was created in 1921 and existed until 1926.

It is interesting that from 1919 to 1926 the Chairman of the ECCI was Grigory Zinoviev. In 1926, the position of chairman of the ECCI was abolished. Instead, the ECCI Political Secretariat of nine people appeared. In August 1929, the Political Commission of the Political Secretariat of the ECCI was separated from this new formation. She was supposed to prepare various issues that were subsequently considered by the Political Secretariat. It included D. Manuilsky, O. Kuusinen, a representative of the German Communist Party (agreed with the Central Committee of the KKE) and O. Pyatnitsky (candidate).

In 1935, a new position appeared - Secretary General of the ECCI. It was occupied by G. Dimitrov. The Political Commission and the Political Secretariat were abolished. The ECCI Secretariat was reorganized.

The International Control Commission was created in 1921. She checked the work of the ECCI apparatus, individual sections (parties) and was engaged in auditing finances.

What organizations did the Comintern consist of?

Profintern.
Interrabpom.
Sportintern.
Communist Youth International (CYI).
Krestintern.
Women's International Secretariat.
Association of Rebel Theaters (International).
Rebel Writers Association (international).
International of Freethinking Proletarians.
World Committee of Comrades of the USSR.
Tenants International.
The international organization for assistance to revolutionaries was called MOPR or “Red Aid”.
Anti-Imperialist League.

Disbandment of the Comintern

When did the dissolution of the Communist International occur? The date of official liquidation of this famous organization falls on May 15, 1943. Stalin announced the dissolution of the Comintern: he wanted to impress the Western allies, convincing them that plans to establish communist and pro-Soviet regimes on the lands of European states had collapsed. It is known that the reputation of the 3rd International by the beginning of the 1940s was very bad. In addition, in continental Europe, the Nazis suppressed and destroyed almost all cells.

From the mid-1920s, Stalin and the CPSU(b) personally sought to dominate the Third International. This nuance played a role in the events of that time. The liquidation of almost all branches of the Comintern (except for the Youth International and the Executive Committee) in the years (mid-1930s) also had an impact. However, the 3rd International was able to retain the Executive Committee: it was only renamed the World Department of the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks.

In June 1947, the Paris Conference on Marshall Aid took place. And in September 1947, Stalin created Cominform from the socialist parties - the Communist Information Bureau. It replaced the Comintern. In fact, it was a network formed from the communist parties of Bulgaria, Albania, Hungary, France, Italy, Poland, Czechoslovakia, the Soviet Union, Romania and Yugoslavia (due to disagreements between Tito and Stalin, it was removed from the lists in 1948).

Cominform was liquidated in 1956, after the 20th Congress of the CPSU. This organization did not have a formal successor, but the OVD and CMEA, as well as regularly held meetings of workers and communist parties friendly to the USSR, became such.

Archive of the Third International

The Comintern archive is kept in the State Archive of Political and Social History in Moscow. Documents are available in 90 languages: the basic working language is German. There are reports from more than 80 parties.

Educational establishments

The Third International owned:

Communist Workers' University of China (KUTK) - until September 17, 1928, it was called the Sun Yat-sen Workers' University of China (UTK).
Communist University of the Toilers of the East (KUTV).
Communist University of National Minorities of the West (KUNMZ).
International Lenin School (ILS) (1925-1938).

Institutions

The Third International ordered:

Statistical and Information Institute ICKI (Bureau Varga) (1921-1928).
Agrarian International Institute (1925-1940).

Historical facts

The creation of the Communist International was accompanied by various interesting events. So, in 1928, Hans Eisler wrote a magnificent anthem for him in German. It was translated into Russian by I. L. Frenkel in 1929. In the chorus of the work the words were repeatedly heard: “Our slogan is the World Soviet Union!”

In general, when the Communist International was created, we already know that it was a difficult time. It is known that the command of the Red Army, together with the propaganda and agitation bureau of the Third International, prepared and published the book “Armed Uprising.” In 1928, this work was published in German, and in 1931 - in French. The work was written in the form of a textbook on the theory of organizing armed uprisings.

The book was created under the pseudonym A. Neuberg, its real authors were popular figures of the revolutionary worldwide movement.

Marxism-Leninism

What is Marxism-Leninism? This is a philosophical and socio-political doctrine about the laws of the struggle for the elimination of capitalist orders and the construction of communism. It was developed by V.I. Lenin, who developed the teachings of Marx and applied it in practice. The emergence of Marxism-Leninism confirmed the significance of Lenin's contribution to Marxism.

V.I. Lenin created such a magnificent teaching that in socialist countries it turned into the official “ideology of the working class.” The ideology was not static; it changed and adapted to the needs of the elite. By the way, it also included the teachings of regional communist leaders, which were important for the socialist powers led by them.

In the Soviet paradigm, the teaching of V.I. Lenin is the only true one scientific system economic, philosophical and political-social views. Marxist-Leninist teaching is capable of integrating conceptual views regarding the study and revolutionary change of earthly space. It reveals the laws of development of society, human thinking and nature, explains the class struggle and forms of transition to socialism (including the liquidation of capitalism), talks about the creative activity of workers engaged in building both communist and socialist societies.

The largest party in the world is the Chinese Communist Party. She follows in her endeavors the teachings of V.I. Lenin. Its charter contains the following words: “Marxism-Leninism has found the laws of the historical evolution of mankind. His basic principles are always true and have a powerful vital force.”

First International

It is known that the Communist Internationals played the most important role in the struggle of workers for a better life. The International Working People's Association was officially named the First International. This is the first international working class formation, which was founded on September 28, 1864 in London.

This organization was liquidated after a split that occurred in 1872.

2nd International

The 2nd International (Workers or Socialist) was an international association of workers' socialist parties, created in 1889. It inherited the traditions of its predecessor, but since 1893 there have been no anarchists among its members. For continuous communication between party members, the Socialist International Bureau was registered in 1900, located in Brussels. The International made decisions that were not binding on its member parties.

Fourth International

The Fourth International is an international communist organization alternative to Stalinism. It is based on the theoretical heritage of Leon Trotsky. The objectives of this formation were the implementation of the world revolution, the victory of the working class and the creation of socialism.

This International was founded in 1938 by Trotsky and his associates in France. These people believed that the Comintern was completely controlled by the Stalinists, that it was not able to lead the working class of the entire planet to the complete conquest of political power. That is why, in counterbalance, they created their own “Fourth International,” whose members at that time were persecuted by NKVD agents. In addition, they were accused by supporters of the USSR and late Maoism of illegitimacy, and were pressed by the bourgeoisie (France and the USA).

This organization first suffered a split in 1940 and a more powerful split in 1953. Partial reunification took place in 1963, but many groups claim to be the political successors of the Fourth International.

Fifth International

What is the "Fifth International"? This is a term used to describe left-wing radicals who want to create a new international workers' organization based on the ideology of Marxist-Leninist teaching and Trotskyism. Members of this group consider themselves devotees of the First International, the Communist Third, the Trotskyist Fourth and the Second.

Communism

And in conclusion, let’s figure out what the Russian Communist Party is? It is based on communism. In Marxism, this is a hypothetical economic and social system, which is based on social equality, public property created from the means of production.

One of the most famous internationalist communist slogans is the saying: “Workers of all countries, unite!” Few know who first said these famous words. But we will reveal a secret: this slogan was first expressed by Friedrich Engels and Karl Marx in the “Manifesto of the Communist Party.”

After the 19th century, the term "communism" was often used to refer to the socio-economic formation that Marxists predicted in their theoretical works. It was based on public ownership created from the means of production. In general, the classics of Marxism believe that the communist public implements the principle “To each according to his skills, to each according to his need!”

We hope that our readers will be able to understand the Communist Internationals with the help of this article.

POLITICAL PARTIES IN THE SYSTEM OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS

AP Galkin

When analyzing the actions of subjects of international relations, the activities of political parties are mentioned very rarely, assigning them a peripheral role not only in relation to national governments and intergovernmental organizations, but also in relation to TNCs and broad social movements. Moreover, a number of theorists, emphasizing the declining role of nation states in the structuring of international relations at the present stage and the increasing role of non-state actors (media, non-governmental organizations, etc.), political parties actually do not consider:. Ignoring the activities of political parties as subjects of international relations in modern concepts can only be explained by the fact that this activity itself is ambiguous and multidimensional, that its various aspects are in mutual contradiction and, moreover, are bound by the structural limitations of those subsystems of international life where they unfold. The emerging transition of Western societies to the post-industrial phase of development leads to an inevitable transformation of political parties, which significantly complicates the analysis of the activities of the latter due to the change birth characteristics parties (allowing parties to be distinguished from other political associations), which were not always clearly visible in the international arena.

Political parties were formed in Western countries as self-organizing social systems, aimed at promoting persons with claims to power to elected bodies and (through the latter) to public positions. According to Maurice Duverger, these are parties of parliamentary origin, where winning a seat in political assemblies constitutes the essence of the functioning of the party: “the very reason for its existence and its highest goal

life"2. The parties were cooperations of independent candidates based on genetic connections- community of social origin and its derivatives: similarity of living conditions and social interests. Only with the advent of worker and peasant parties (received names in terms of ideological orientation: social democratic and socialist) do parties acquire features characteristic of an industrial society: a permanently operating organized structure (with a clearly defined differentiation of roles), as well as attributive properties: futurism and mobilization. Two principles dominated the basis of the organizational structure of parties (hence M. Duverger divided them into cadre and mass 3), but in both cases the parties ceased to be associations of persons claiming to have political power and acquired an administrative apparatus (however, in cadre parties the apparatus did not perform as much managerial as coordinating functions). If there are alternative ways to continue social development parties had to present a generally significant project for the future: achieving or maintaining a model of social structure that would provide a comfortable state for certain social groups.

Activities to implement this project include the mobilization of material (excluded from public consumption and accumulation) and intangible (subordination and organization of disparate social forces, development of doctrines and socio-political technologies, etc.) resources, requiring the replacement of the associative union of individuals with a hierarchical one a system that restricts the freedom of political activity of party members. The alternative paths for further development provide for competition not only

than two global projects of the future, providing for a radically different organization of the entire public life. In the absence of a fundamentally different model of society, which is perceived as realistically achievable, the mobilization of resources becomes very problematic. As rightly noted by V.V. Ilyin and A.S. Panarin, the functions of social representation and global design are absent when there is no politics as a technology for changing group status4. Parties, of course, represent the interests of certain social groups and strata in conditions when the existing organization of social life is the only possible one, but then social groups gain (or lose) little from their activities, and investing resources in parties looks unattractive.

With the disappearance of the “second” world, alternative models of social structure virtually do not exist (with the exception of traditional and religious ones, but due to the harsh influence of social norms on individual behavior, they are not very popular anywhere). Not receiving the necessary resource support from the population, parties are looking for other sources of existence (functionaries are interested in preserving party life), and here material assistance from competing economic agents, including international ones, is becoming increasingly important. At a time when the political organization of international relations is increasingly becoming monocentric, the economic subsystem, although structured from the center to the periphery, has several parallel hierarchies that compete with each other and place bets on certain political forces in different countries. In this area, parties have begun to seriously compete with traditional lobbying, since, having their representatives in government structures at various levels, they can ensure the consistent implementation of long-term projects. At the same time, international party associations based on the similarity of ideological doctrines still operate.

The founders of inter-party cooperation based on the similarity of ideological doctrines were the European social democratic parties (International), which were later joined by

parties from other continents. Despite the fact that social democracy had a similar social base in different countries, the basis of cooperation in the international arena was no longer genetic ties, but ties of complementarity (sympathies caused by the similarity of ultimate goals and assessments of current events) and solidarity (including mutual assistance) . Genetically, social groups are more attached to their society and territory than to social groups that have a similar position in other societies. It is no coincidence that during the First World War, almost all social democratic parties supported the governments of their countries. IN Peaceful time parties again began to establish connections among themselves within the framework of international inter-party associations.

Among the inter-party associations, the most influential were the associations of leftist forces - the Socialist International and the Communist International. Associations of right-wing parties (for example, the Liberal International) had fewer members, low intensity of inter-party ties and were largely advisory in nature. Relations within inter-party associations were also structured on the basis of ideological postulates and intra-social practices. Thus, the Communist International had a rigid centralized structure headed by the CPSU, whose resolutions regarding the strategy and tactics of the communist movement were to be accepted as unshakable. Otherwise, serious sanctions could follow (for example, the expulsion of the Polish Communist Party from the Comintern on the eve of World War II). Communist parties from developed capitalist countries (especially Italian and French) managed in practice to maintain their autonomy and act in internal political affairs based on the situation, but they could not exert any significant influence on the decisions of the Comintern.

There was no single center of power in the socialist international. There stood out the socialist parties of a number of European countries (Germany, France, Sweden, British Labor), which had significantly greater influence than the social parties of less developed countries, even when they were not in power in their societies. They could provide

provide serious resource support to their colleagues, strengthening the latter’s competitiveness in the domestic political arena. The coming to power of the socialists after the formal change of regimes in Portugal (1974) and Spain (1977) was largely due to the “humanitarian” assistance of the “fraternal” parties. The CPSU, using the resources of the Soviet Union and the states of Eastern Europe, also provided support to the communist parties of Western countries and Third World parties that chose the socialist path of development, but demanded political loyalty in return. The socialists did not have a uniform doctrine (the Swedish model was significantly different from the French), a single center of power and did not demand political loyalty in international affairs.

The activities of parties also influenced interstate relations in the system of international relations. Firstly, “the vicissitudes of inter-party conflicts within individual states can lead to the transition of an entire state from one camp to another or from involvement in any of the camps to neutrality”5. Secondly, in addition to material and informational support, parties exerted a certain symbolic influence on the population, which was not always associated with ideological dogmas. Thus, they voted for the socialists in Portugal and Spain, among other things, because they hoped for faster and simplified integration into the system of European relations, since in most European countries at that time socialist parties were in power 6. For material and technical support of the USSR and its allies were counted on by parties proclaiming the socialist path of development. Taken together, this had a significant impact on the configuration of political, economic and cultural ties of the system of international relations.

Right-wing parties did not have such a significant direct influence on the system of international relations, and their inter-party associations were rather associative in nature. Westernized liberal democratic parties owe their emergence and functioning in Third World countries not to the Liberal International, but to TNCs and the local comprador bourgeoisie. Later, some of them began to be supported by the right-

governments of economically developed capitalist countries as a way of competing with the states of the socialist camp. However, in interstate relations, governments led by right-wing parties were not distinguished by ideological intelligibility and were guided to a greater extent by national and geostrategic interests. Liberal democratic governments of the West supported authoritarian cliques and their leaders to a greater extent (A. Pinochet in Chile, Said Nuri in Iraq, etc.), since their activities are easier to manage and economically they are cheaper.

The material expression of the institutionalization of inter-party associations was the European Parliament - PACE (Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe). However, by the time the European Parliament gained the opportunity to influence the state of affairs in Europe, the ideological determinant in the activities of political parties began to fade away. “It is believed that members of the Assembly do not represent governments, but the public of a particular country, and therefore when voting they should be guided not by national, but by party interests”7, in fact, deputies of various factions of the European Parliament in their voting are guided more by the foreign policy line of their countries

The existence of the USSR and its allies gave rise to the possibility alternative development both internal political relations in individual countries and international relations. With the collapse of the socialist camp, as mentioned above, real alternatives virtually disappeared. Mass movements such as environmental and anti-globalization have not yet put forward a project for an alternative social system. They fight not for, but against, and this does not make it possible either to mobilize a sufficient amount of resources or to develop a strategic and tactical line of behavior. History shows that all movements that fought against change without putting forward a project for an alternative path of development (Luddites, suffragettes, anti-war movement, etc.) sooner or later came to naught. It is impossible to stop development; you can direct it along a different path.

At one time, domestic researcher A.B. Zubov noted that in the countries of the East, with the exception of “marginal parties that have ideological overtones, all other parties are actually unions of independent candidates”8. Since a similar phenomenon was observed at one time in Europe, it was interpreted as a cost of growth. However, apparently, the associative structure of the eastern parties was caused by the lack of real alternatives to the paths of internal development. In the foreign policy arena, parties could choose between the first and second worlds or not focus on either of them, but the internal development of eastern states did not provide for a variety of options (with the exception of Islamism): modernization with economic and technological dependence on more developed countries. Ideological labels in the names of Third World parties had a largely symbolic significance, indicating which of the two camps of the world system the party was oriented in foreign policy activities.

This hypothesis is partially confirmed by the direction of reorganization of political parties in Western countries. The parties, as noted by S.N. Pshizov, from cumbersome bureaucratic organizations are once again turning into flexible professional-electoral structures 9. Of course, well-established institutional connections (traditional party orientation of part of the Western population, connections with economic agents providing resource support) and interests (primarily in the preservation of parties as organizations) The party bureaucracy has an inhibitory influence on this process, but is not able to stop it. In parties, temporarily hired specialists (signature collectors, public relations experts, etc.) are beginning to play an increasingly important role, and the party bureaucracy is given the role of concentration and optimal distribution of resources. Even in Sweden (a country where identitarian democracy has dominated for a long time), the Social Democrats began to invite electoral consultants from the United States10, which indicates significant shifts in party life.

The given example regarding the Social Democratic Party highlights another facet of the influence of parties on the system of international

relations: the spatial broadcast of successful patterns of activity began to be accompanied by the involvement of specialists in this activity from other sociocultural systems. In conditions when the coming to power of other political forces does not promise any special changes (and the coming to power of leftist parties in a number of European countries has not led to any significant changes in either domestic or foreign policy), political activity becomes more personalized and the voter pays attention not so much to party affiliation, but to the personal qualities (more precisely, their presented image) of the persons claiming power. However, the Swedish Social Democrats reflected the interests of the largest social group(quantitatively exceeding all others combined) societies (which they actually formed through their activities) and had significantly greater cultural potential than other political forces. In fact, any project of social order alternative to the SDRP doctrine did not meet the interests of the majority of the population, and in this regard, the Swedish path of development seemed without options. Traditional forms of work with the electorate with the concentration of resources in the hands of the party bureaucracy for a long time suited the Swedish political elite, but since the early 90s of the last century, political promotion through modern PR technologies seems more attractive to them. Borrowing successful examples of activity in combination with inviting foreign specialists increasingly makes parties and political elites of various social systems culturally homogeneous, alienating them from the dominant cultures of their societies (with the exception of Western countries), since the rapprochement of the latter proceeds at a much slower pace.

Summarizing the above, it should be noted that the activities of political parties in the international arena unfold mainly in three dimensions, each of which has its own identification within the framework of the cognitive scheme “us - them”. Firstly, this is a political and ideological orientation, where parties define among the subjects of international relations (other parties, movements, national governments, etc.) “unified

Vertsev" based on a common vision of an ideal social order and ways to achieve it. Currently, this aspect is preserved in the form of traditionally developed connections and relationships in institutionalized inter-party associations, but ideological orientation may well be revived if sociocultural and economic determinants are given an ideological coloring (similarity of civilizational and religious attitudes, places in the global division of labor). With the growing cultural gap between the party elite and society, the emergence of counter-elites, culturally closer to their social environment, and their political associations cannot be ruled out. Secondly, the national-state orientation of party leaders, the search for states that could become allies in the international arena within the framework of interstate relations. Essentially, here we are talking about the country’s position in the monocentric hierarchy of the political life of the international community, the degree of influence on world politics. Each party has its own ideas about potential allies and competitors, and the difference in ideological attitudes between the ideology of the party and the government of a potential ally can be ignored in favor of geopolitical and macroeconomic strategies. Thirdly, the rise in the cost of election campaigns encourages parties to look for “sponsors” among economic actors in international relations: TNCs, interbank associations, or even simply foreign companies (in most countries the latter is prohibited, but financial flows are difficult to control). The economic and financial orientation of parties on a global scale and the corresponding economic identity (the attachment of certain parties to certain economic agents) begins to take shape, which may not coincide with the political one (the government may provide material assistance to one party, and business to a completely different one).

Thus, in the conditions of global integration of the world community with a unipolar political hierarchy of the party

different countries, on the one hand, become more culturally homogeneous (similar to each other), and on the other, losing structure-forming features (a certain social base, ideology), they acquire more and more nominal differences. It is no coincidence that the trend towards a two-party system in a number of countries (Germany, Canada, etc.) has changed to the exact opposite.

If earlier parties in the international arena integrated various countries into blocs, differentiating the latter on political grounds, then at the present stage of development of international relations, parties, differentiating subjects of international life on a number of grounds, contribute to the unity and integration of a monocentric political organization world community. The latter does not always come from the subjective desire of the parties themselves, but is caused by the need to be competitive in the domestic political arena, which involves the reproduction of certain types of activities that objectively contribute to the growth of the above trends.

NOTES

1 See: Kosolapov N.A. The phenomenon of international relations: the current state of the object of research // World Economy and International Relations. M., 1998. No. 5. P. 107; International relations: sociological approaches. M., 1998. P. 39.

2 Duverger M. Les partis politiques. Paris, 1976.

4Ilyin V.V., Panarin A.A. Philosophy of politics. M., 1994. P. 229.

5 Aron R. Peace and war between nations. M., 2000. P. 345.

6 Social reforms and workers. M., 1986. P. 296.

7 Rybkin I.P. We are doomed to agree: Speeches, articles, interviews. M., 1994. P. 349.

8 Zubov A.B. Parliamentary democracy and political tradition East. M., 1990. P. 224.

9 Pshizova S.N. Political market financing: theoretical aspects practical problems // Polis: polit. research M., 2002. No. 1. P. 23.

Parti Communiste Internationaliste , PCI) - the name of several Trotskyist historical organizations operating in France in the 1930s-1960s, most notably the French section of the Fourth International in 1944-1969.

Story

1930s

In France, an organization called the International Communist Party was first created in March 1936 by Raymond Molyneux and Pierre Franck. In June of the same year, the party merged with two other Trotskyist organizations to form the International Workers' Party. However, since October 1936 it has again operated as an independent organization. The party was not part of the Fourth International due to a number of disagreements with Leon Trotsky and the leadership of the international. She published the newspaper “La Commune” and the magazine “La Vérité” (“Truth”). It ceased to exist in the early 1940s.

Post-war period: 1944-1952

In 1944, through the merger of several Trotskyist groups - the International Workers' Party (IWP), the Committee of Communist Internationalists (KKI) and the October group - an organization was again created under the name of the International Communist Party. Preparations for unification were carried out on the initiative of the European Secretariat of the Fourth International, which began work in 1942. In December 1943, a meeting was held between representatives of the MCI, the CCI and the European Secretariat. In February - March 1944, the unification process was completed. According to the instructions of the conference of the European Secretariat, the Central Committee of the ITUC was formed, consisting of three representatives from the MCI, two from the CCI, one from the October group and Michel Pablo from the European Secretariat. The party published the newspaper "La Veritè" ( Is it true), which received legal status in 1945.

The first congress of the ITUC took place in December 1944. The congress adopted a plan of action that included the following issues: “a reconstruction plan drawn up by the General Confederation of Labor, implemented under the control of workers' committees and nationalization without compensation; the government of the Socialist Party, the Communist Party and the CGT; arming the people, workers' militia; international unity of action of workers."

A trade union commission operated within the framework of the ITUC. Party members actively participated in the first post-war strikes of 1945-1947. During the split of the General Confederation of Labor in 1947 and the creation of the CGT - "Labor Force" ( Force Ouvriere) The ITUC advocated the reunification of the confederation and published the newspaper "Unité syndicale".

In the first post-war years, the MCP took part in various elections. For example, in 1945, the party's candidates participated in the elections to the Legislative Assembly in Paris and the Isère department, receiving a combined 10,817 votes. The party also participated in general elections June 1, 1946. It fielded 79 candidates in 11 different regions, receiving a total of 44,906 votes.

This period in the history of the party was marked by the formation of various factions within it. The “right” faction, to which Ivan Kraipo belonged, focused on working among activists of traditional left parties, in particular among the “Young Socialists,” the youth wing of the Socialist Party. In January 1946, the second congress of the ITUC was held. At it, Ivan Kraipo called for the creation of a revolutionary party “by combining the progressive tendencies that are developing in the PCF and the Socialist Party.” However, this proposal was rejected by a majority vote.

The third congress took place in September 1946. At the third congress, the post of General Secretary of the ITUC was introduced, which was taken by Ivan Kraipo. At the Fourth Congress in November 1947, the “right” was severely criticized. At the same time, in 1947, representatives of the “right faction” established contacts with French intellectuals, David Rousset, Jean-Paul Sartre and Albert Camus. They united in creating the Association of Democratic Revolutionaries ( Rassemblement Démocratique Révolutionnaire listen)) - a left-wing anti-Stalinist party that adhered to the principles of democratic socialism. This, however, led to the expulsion of Kraipo and his supporters from the party in 1948. This decision was confirmed at the 5th Party Congress in early 1948. New general secretary MCP became Pierre Frank.

In the 1940s and 1950s, the ITUC actively spoke out regarding world events. In particular, against French attempts to restore its influence in Indochina and Algeria. In addition, French Trotskyists responded to the break between Stalin and Tito in 1948. For some time they developed relations with the Yugoslav regime and its embassy in Paris. In the summer of 1950, they organized a French Youth Working Group to be sent to Yugoslavia to assist on a number of projects. The Association of Brigades in Yugoslavia was organized, which also published the brochure "La Brigade".

From the split to 1968

In 1952, the party experienced a split, which took shape organizationally in 1953 after the split of the Fourth International. The reason for the split was the tactics adopted by the Fourth International at the Third World Congress in 1951. In accordance with these tactics, Trotskyists had to join mass communist and social democratic parties. This tactic was known as entryism sui generis.

The French Trotskyists failed in their entry into the Communist Party. However, at the end of the 1950s, a split occurred in the SFIO, as a result of which the Autonomous Socialist Party was formed, which later transformed into the United Socialist Party (USP). Members of the ITUC decided to join the OSP. One of these activists was Rudolf Prager. He was elected to the Central Committee of the OSP, although he did not hide his affiliation with the Trotskyist movement. He remained a member of the OSP until the 1969 presidential election campaign, when he publicly supported the Communist League candidate Alain Krivin over the OSP candidate Michel Rocard.

In addition, the ITUC had influence in the Union of Communist Students (UCS), whose head was Alain Krivin in the early 1960s. Under the leadership of Krivin, the University Anti-Fascist Front was created ( Front Universitaire Antifasciste), whose task is to fight OAS supporters in the Latin Quarter of Paris and elsewhere. In 1965, at the SKS congress, supporters of Alain Krivin, who were the left wing of the SKS, began to fight for the “right to form trends” and the “consistent de-Stalinization of the PCF.” The following year, 1966, they were all expelled from the Communist Party and created the organization “Revolutionary Communist Youth” (RCM), which played an important role in the May 1968 events. Pierre Frank welcomed the creation of the RCM and provided the organization with full support.

The ITUC also actively participated in the May events. The MCP condemned the attempts of the official Communist Party to weaken the uprising. Its publications condemned the negotiations between the PCF and the CGT to end the general strike that was shaking France at that time, and called for the unity of workers and students, the overthrow of the de Gaulle government and the creation of a workers' government. After the end of the events of May - June 1968, both organizations were banned - both RKM and MKP. In 1969, they united into the Communist League, then better known as the Revolutionary Communist League.

Organization

General Secretaries of the ITUC

1946-1948 - Ivan Kraipo;
1948-1969 - Pierre Frank.

ITUC Congresses

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Literature

Robert J. Alexander. International Trotskyism, 1929-1985: A Documented Analysis of the Movement. - Durham: Duke University Press, 1991.
A. L. Semenov. Left student movement in France. - M.: “Science”, 1975.

Notes

Excerpt characterizing the International Communist Party (France)

This was completely fair, but the count, the countess, and Natasha all looked at her reproachfully. “And who did she look like!” thought the countess.
Nikolushka's letter was read hundreds of times, and those who were considered worthy of listening to it had to come to the countess, who would not let him out of her hands. Tutors, nannies, Mitenka, and some acquaintances came, and the countess re-read the letter every time with new pleasure and each time, from this letter, she discovered new virtues in her Nikolushka. How strange, extraordinary, and joyful it was for her that her son was the son who had barely noticeably moved with tiny limbs inside her 20 years ago, the son for whom she had quarreled with the pampered count, the son who had learned to say before: “ pear,” and then “woman,” that this son is now there, in a foreign land, in a foreign environment, a courageous warrior, alone, without help or guidance, doing some kind of manly work there. All the world's centuries-old experience, indicating that children imperceptibly from the cradle become husbands, did not exist for the countess. The maturation of her son in every season of manhood was as extraordinary for her as if there had never been millions of millions of people who matured in exactly the same way. Just as she couldn’t believe 20 years ago that that little creature that lived somewhere under her heart would scream and begin to suck her breast and start talking, so now she couldn’t believe that this same creature could be that strong, a brave man, an example of the sons and men he was now, judging by this letter.
- What a calm, how cute he describes! - she said, reading the descriptive part of the letter. - And what a soul! Nothing about myself... nothing! About some Denisov, and he himself is probably braver than them all. He writes nothing about his suffering. What a heart! How do I recognize him! And how I remembered everyone! I haven't forgotten anyone. I always, always said, even when he was like this, I always said...
For more than a week they prepared, wrote brouillons and copied letters to Nikolushka from the whole house; under the supervision of the countess and the care of the count, the necessary items and money were collected to outfit and equip the newly promoted officer. Anna Mikhailovna, a practical woman, managed to arrange protection for herself and her son in the army, even for correspondence. She had occasion to send her letters to Grand Duke Konstantin Pavlovich, who commanded the guard. The Rostovs assumed that the Russian guard abroad had a completely definite address, and that if the letter reached the Grand Duke, who commanded the guard, then there was no reason why it should not reach the Pavlograd regiment, which should be nearby; and therefore it was decided to send letters and money through the Grand Duke’s courier to Boris, and Boris should have already delivered them to Nikolushka. The letters were from the old count, from the countess, from Petya, from Vera, from Natasha, from Sonya and, finally, 6,000 money for uniforms and various things that the count sent to his son.

On November 12, the Kutuzov military army, camped near Olmutz, was preparing for the next day to review the two emperors - Russian and Austrian. The guard, which had just arrived from Russia, spent the night 15 versts from Olmutz and the next day, right for the review, at 10 o’clock in the morning, entered the Olmutz field.
On this day, Nikolai Rostov received a note from Boris informing him that the Izmailovsky regiment was spending the night 15 miles short of Olmutz, and that he was waiting for him to give him a letter and money. Rostov especially needed money now that, having returned from the campaign, the troops stopped near Olmutz, and well-supplied sutlers and Austrian Jews, offering all kinds of temptations, filled the camp. The Pavlograd residents had feasts after feasts, celebrations of awards received for the campaign and trips to Olmutz to visit Caroline of Hungary, who had recently arrived there, who opened a tavern there with female servants. Rostov recently celebrated its production of cornets, bought Bedouin, Denisov's horse, and was in debt to his comrades and sutlers. Having received Boris's note, Rostov and his friend went to Olmutz, had lunch there, drank a bottle of wine and went alone to the guards camp to look for his childhood comrade. Rostov had not yet had time to get dressed. He was wearing a shabby cadet's jacket with a soldier's cross, the same leggings lined with worn leather, and an officer's saber with a lanyard; the horse he rode on was a Don horse, bought on a campaign from a Cossack; the hussar's crumpled cap was pulled back and to one side in a jaunty manner. Approaching the camp of the Izmailovsky regiment, he thought about how he would amaze Boris and all his fellow guardsmen with his shelled combat hussar appearance.
The guard went through the entire campaign as if on a festivities, flaunting their cleanliness and discipline. The crossings were short, the backpacks were carried on carts, and the Austrian authorities prepared excellent dinners for the officers at all crossings. The regiments entered and left the cities with music, and throughout the campaign (of which the guards were proud), by order of the Grand Duke, people walked in step, and the officers walked in their places. Boris walked and stood with Berg, now the company commander, throughout the campaign. Berg, having received a company during the campaign, managed to earn the trust of his superiors with his diligence and accuracy and arranged his economic affairs very profitably; During the campaign, Boris made many acquaintances with people who could be useful to him, and through a letter of recommendation he brought from Pierre, he met Prince Andrei Bolkonsky, through whom he hoped to get a place on the headquarters of the commander-in-chief. Berg and Boris, cleanly and neatly dressed, having rested after the last day's march, sat in the clean apartment assigned to them in front of the round table and played chess. Berg held a smoking pipe between his knees. Boris, with his characteristic accuracy, placed the checkers in a pyramid with his white thin hands, waiting for Berg to make a move, and looked at his partner’s face, apparently thinking about the game, as he always thought only about what he was doing.
- Well, how will you get out of this? - he said.
“We’ll try,” Berg answered, touching the pawn and lowering his hand again.
At this time the door opened.
“Here he is, finally,” Rostov shouted. - And Berg is here! Oh, petisanfant, ale cushe dormir, [Children, go to bed,] he shouted, repeating the words of the nanny, which he and Boris had once laughed at.
- Fathers! how you have changed! - Boris stood up to meet Rostov, but while getting up, he did not forget to support and put in place the falling chess and wanted to hug his friend, but Nikolai moved away from him. With that special feeling of youth, which is afraid of the beaten path, wants, without imitating others, to express its feelings in a new way, in its own way, if only not in the way the elders express it, often feignedly, Nikolai wanted to do something special when meeting with a friend : he wanted to somehow pinch or push Boris, but just not kiss him, as everyone else did. Boris, on the contrary, calmly and friendlyly hugged and kissed Rostov three times.
They didn't see each other for almost six months; and at that age when young people take their first steps on the path of life, both found in each other enormous changes, completely new reflections of the societies in which they took their first steps in life. Both had changed a lot since their last date, and both wanted to quickly show each other the changes that had taken place in them.
- Oh, you damn polishers! Clean, fresh, as if from a party, not that we are sinners, army people,” Rostov said with new baritone sounds in his voice and army grip, pointing to his mud-splattered leggings.
The German hostess leaned out of the door at Rostov’s loud voice.
- What, pretty? - he said with a wink.
- Why are you shouting like that! “You’ll scare them,” Boris said. “I wasn’t expecting you today,” he added. - Yesterday, I just gave you a note through one of my acquaintances, Kutuzovsky’s adjutant - Bolkonsky. I didn’t think that he would deliver it to you so soon... Well, how are you? Already fired upon? – asked Boris.
Rostov, without answering, shook the soldier’s St. George’s Cross hanging on the strings of his uniform, and, pointing to his tied hand, looked at Berg, smiling.
“As you can see,” he said.
- That's how it is, yes, yes! – Boris said, smiling, “and we also made a nice trip.” After all, you know, His Highness always rode with our regiment, so we had all the comforts and all the benefits. In Poland, what kind of receptions there were, what kind of dinners, balls - I can’t tell you. And the Tsarevich was very merciful to all our officers.
And both friends told each other - one about their hussar revelry and military life, the other about the pleasures and benefits of serving under the command of high-ranking officials, etc.
- Oh guard! - said Rostov. - Well, let’s go get some wine.
Boris winced.
“If you really want to,” he said.
And, going up to the bed, he took out his wallet from under the clean pillows and ordered him to bring wine.
“Yes, and give you the money and the letter,” he added.
Rostov took the letter and, throwing the money on the sofa, leaned both hands on the table and began to read. He read a few lines and looked angrily at Berg. Having met his gaze, Rostov covered his face with the letter.
“However, they sent you a fair amount of money,” said Berg, looking at the heavy wallet pressed into the sofa. “That’s how we make our way with a salary, Count.” I'll tell you about myself...
“That’s it, my dear Berg,” said Rostov, “when you receive a letter from home and meet your man, whom you want to ask about everything, and I’ll be here, I’ll leave now so as not to disturb you.” Listen, please go somewhere, somewhere... to hell! - he shouted and immediately, grabbing him by the shoulder and looking tenderly into his face, apparently trying to soften the rudeness of his words, he added: - you know, don’t be angry; my dear, my dear, I say this from the bottom of my heart, as if it were an old friend of ours.
“Oh, for mercy’s sake, Count, I understand very much,” said Berg, standing up and speaking to himself in a guttural voice.
“You go to the owners: they called you,” added Boris.
Berg put on a clean frock coat, without a stain or a speck, fluffed up his temples in front of the mirror, as Alexander Pavlovich wore, and, convinced by Rostov’s glance that his frock coat had been noticed, left the room with a pleasant smile.
- Oh, what a brute I am, however! - Rostov said, reading the letter.
- And what?
- Oh, what a pig I am, however, that I never wrote and scared them so much. “Oh, what a pig I am,” he repeated, suddenly blushing. - Well, let’s go get some wine for Gavrilo! Well, okay, let's do it! - he said…
In the letters of the relatives there was also a letter of recommendation to Prince Bagration, which, on the advice of Anna Mikhailovna, the old countess obtained through her friends and sent to her son, asking him to take it for its intended purpose and use it.
- This is nonsense! “I really need it,” said Rostov, throwing the letter under the table.
- Why did you leave it? – asked Boris.
- Some kind of letter of recommendation, what the hell is there in the letter!

International: Paramilitary wing: