State Committee for the State of Emergency in the USSR (GKChP). State Committee for Emergency Situations

The August putsch was an attempt to remove Mikhail Gorbachev from the post of President of the USSR and change his course, undertaken by the self-proclaimed State Committee for state of emergency(GKChP) August 19, 1991.

On August 17, a meeting of future members of the State Emergency Committee took place at the ABC facility, a closed guest residence of the KGB. It was decided to introduce a state of emergency from August 19, form the State Emergency Committee, demand Gorbachev to sign the relevant decrees or resign and transfer powers to Vice President Gennady Yanaev, Yeltsin to be detained at the Chkalovsky airfield upon arrival from Kazakhstan for a conversation with Defense Minister Yazov, further action depending on the results of the negotiations.

On August 18, representatives of the committee flew to Crimea to negotiate with Gorbachev, who was on vacation in Foros, to secure his consent to introduce a state of emergency. Gorbachev refused to give them his consent.

At 16.32, all types of communications were turned off at the presidential dacha, including the channel that provided control of the strategic nuclear forces of the USSR.

At 04.00, the Sevastopol regiment of the USSR KGB troops blocked the presidential dacha in Foros.

From 06.00 All-Union Radio begins to broadcast messages about the introduction of a state of emergency in some regions of the USSR, a decree of the Vice-President of the USSR Yanaev on his assumption of duties as President of the USSR in connection with Gorbachev’s ill health, a statement by the Soviet leadership on the creation of the State Committee for the State of Emergency in the USSR, an appeal from the State Emergency Committee to the Soviet people.

22:00. Yeltsin signed a decree on the annulment of all decisions of the State Emergency Committee and on a number of reshuffles in the State Television and Radio Broadcasting Company.

01:30. The Tu-134 plane with Rutsky, Silaev and Gorbachev landed in Moscow at Vnukovo-2.

Most members of the State Emergency Committee were arrested.

Moscow declared mourning for the victims.

The winners' rally at the White House began at 12.00. In the middle of the day, Yeltsin, Silaev and Khasbulatov spoke at it. During the rally, demonstrators brought out a huge banner of the Russian tricolor; The President of the RSFSR announced that a decision had been made to make the white-azure-red banner the new state flag of Russia.

New national flag Russia (tricolor) was installed for the first time on the top point of the House of Soviets building.

On the night of August 23, by order of the Moscow Soviet mass gathering The protesters dismantled the monument to Felix Dzerzhinsky on Lubyanka Square.

The material was prepared based on information from open sources

Source - Wikipedia

The State Committee for the State of Emergency is a self-proclaimed government body in the USSR that existed from August 18 to August 21, 1991. It was formed from the first state officials and officials of the Soviet government who opposed the reforms carried out by the President of the USSR M.S. Gorbachev. Perestroika and transformation Soviet Union into a new “Union of Sovereign States”, which became a confederation consisting of part of the already sovereign republics.
The forces under the leadership of the President of Russia (RSFSR) B. N. Yeltsin refused to obey the State Emergency Committee, calling their actions unconstitutional; there was an attempt to declare a strike. The actions of the Emergency Committee led to events that became known as the “August Putsch.”
From August 22 to August 29, 1991, former members of the dissolved Emergency Committee and those who actively assisted them were arrested, but from June 1992 to January 1993, they were all released on their own recognizance. In April 1993, the trial began. On February 23, 1994, the defendants in the State Emergency Committee case were amnestied State Duma Federal Assembly Russian Federation, despite Yeltsin's objections. One of the defendants, Valentin Varennikov, refused to accept the amnesty and his trial continued. August 11, 1994 Military Collegium Supreme Court Russia acquitted Varennikov.

By the beginning of 1991, the situation in the USSR became critical. The country entered a period of disintegration. The leadership began to consider the issue of introducing a state of emergency.
From the “Conclusion on the materials of the investigation into the role and participation of USSR KGB officials in the events of August 19-21, 1991”:

Marat Nikolaevich asked my advice on what type of helicopter to choose - the Mi-8 or Mi-24. Naturally, I recommended the Mi-24, since it was armored against 12.7 mm bullets, and all the tanks that were in the White House area had machine guns of this caliber. But if one of the engines failed, the Mi-24 helicopter could not continue its flight. The Mi-8 could fly on one engine. Tishchenko agreed with me. However, less than an hour later, he called back and joyfully reported that, according to information he received from the same KGB department, all the tanks and infantry fighting vehicles brought into Moscow do not have ammunition, so he is preparing the Mi-8. And after some time, a message came that the commander of the Airborne Forces, General Grachev, stopped the division in Kubinka. By the evening it became clear that the State Emergency Committee had failed disgracefully, and by lunchtime on August 21, all means mass media they announced this loudly. The orgy of victory began.

Unfortunately, it was overshadowed by the death of three people under the wheels of an infantry fighting vehicle in the tunnel between Vosstaniya Square and Smolenskaya Square. It all seemed strange to me. Why send troops and armored vehicles into Moscow without ammunition? Why is the Moscow department of the KGB seeking to save Yeltsin and why is KGB Chairman Kryuchkov a member of the State Emergency Committee? All this resembled some kind of farce. Subsequently, in 1993, Yeltsin really stormed White House, and the tanks fired direct fire and not with blank charges. And in August 1991, all this looked like a grandiose performance or monstrous stupidity on the part of the leadership of the State Emergency Committee. However, what happened happened. I only express my opinion. Then events developed at lightning speed: the return of Gorbachev from Foros, the ban and dissolution of the CPSU, the Belovezhskaya Agreement on the liquidation of the USSR, the creation of the Union of Independent States on the basis of the former republics of the USSR.

The most absurd thing, of course, seemed to be the collapse of the single Slavic core: Russia, Ukraine and Belarus. It seemed that some kind of insanity had occurred among the leaders of these republics, who demonstrated complete ignorance of the history of the creation of Russian statehood. But the most striking thing was that all this was supported by the Supreme Soviet of the USSR, which hastened to dissolve itself, and the Supreme Council of the Russian Federation ratified the Belovezhskaya Conspiracy.

I remembered the words of Denikin and Wrangel, who, after the defeat of the white movement in Civil War 1918, addressing descendants in their memoirs, noted the historical merit of the Bolsheviks in that they basically preserved Great Russia. Modern Bolsheviks, dressed in national clothes, completely destroyed a great power, completely disregarding the opinions of its people.

After some time, it became clear that at the head of all these processes was the apparatus of the CPSU Central Committee, headed by Politburo member A.N. Yakovlev and with a very dubious and incomprehensible role of Gorbachev. Most of the rulers in the new states belonged to the cohort of workers of the CPSU party apparatus, and most of the oligarchs and “new” Russians in the past belonged to the party or Komsomol elite. Before the eyes of the entire people, active supporters of the policies of the CPSU turned into its fierce enemies. Calls for a “witch hunt” began, although they were soon suspended, since this clearly could affect them themselves.

The people were deceived.

Links:
1. Ogarkov and Operation Herat
2. Akhromeev Sergey Fedorovich
3. Gorbacheva Raisa Maksimovna (ur. Titarenko)
17.

The August putsch is a political coup that took place in Moscow in August 1991, the goal of which was to overthrow the existing government and change the vector of the country's development, preventing the collapse of the Soviet Union.

The August putsch took place from August 19 to August 21, 1991, and became, in fact, the reason for the further collapse of the USSR, although its goal was a completely different development of events. As a result of the coup, members of the State Committee for the State of Emergency (GKChP), a self-proclaimed body that assumed the responsibilities of the main body, wanted to come to power public administration. However, the State Emergency Committee's attempts to seize power failed, and all members of the State Emergency Committee were arrested.

The main reason for the putsch was dissatisfaction with the policy of perestroika pursued by M.S. Gorbachev, and the disastrous results of his reforms.

Reasons for the August coup

After a period of stagnation in the USSR, the country was in a very difficult situation - a political, economic, food and cultural crisis flared up. The situation was getting worse every day; it was urgent to carry out reforms and reorganize the economy and the country's governance system. This was done by the current leader of the USSR, Mikhail Gorbachev. Initially, his reforms were assessed generally positively and were called “perestroika”, but time passed and the changes did not bring any results - the country plunged deeper and deeper into crisis.

As a result of the failure of Gorbachev’s internal political activities, discontent began to grow sharply in the ruling structures, a crisis of confidence in the leader arose, and not only his opponents, but also his recent comrades-in-arms spoke out against Gorbachev. All this led to the idea of ​​a conspiracy to overthrow the current government beginning to mature.

The last straw was Gorbachev's decision to transform the Soviet Union into a Sovereign states, that is, to actually give the republics independence, political and economic. This did not suit the conservative part of the ruling sector, who stood for maintaining the power of the CPSU and governing the country from the center. On August 5, Gorbachev leaves for negotiations, and at the same time the organization of a conspiracy to overthrow him begins. The purpose of the conspiracy is to prevent the collapse of the USSR.

Chronology of events of the August putsch

The performance began on August 19 and took only three days. Members of the new government, first of all, read out the documents they had adopted the day before, which especially pointed out the insolvency of the existing government. First of all, a decree signed by the Vice-President of the USSR G. Yanaev was read out, which stated that Gorbachev could no longer fulfill the duties of head of state due to his health condition, so Yanaev himself would perform his duties. Next, a “statement by the Soviet leadership” was read, which stated that a new body had been proclaimed state power– State Emergency Committee, which included First Deputy Chairman of the USSR Defense Council O.D. Baklanov, KGB Chairman V.A. Kryuchkov, Prime Minister of the USSR V.S. Pavlov, Minister of Internal Affairs B.K. Pugo, also President of the Association state enterprises and industrial, construction and transport facilities A.I. Tizyakov. Yanaev himself was appointed head of the State Emergency Committee.

Next, the members of the State Emergency Committee addressed citizens with a statement saying that the political freedoms that Gorbachev gave led to the creation of a number of anti-Soviet structures that sought to seize power by force, collapse the USSR and destroy the country completely. In order to counter this, it is necessary to change the government. On the same day, the leaders of the State Emergency Committee issued the first resolution, which prohibited all associations that were not legalized in accordance with the Constitution of the USSR. At the same moment, many parties and circles in opposition to the CPSU were dissolved, censorship was reintroduced, and many newspapers and other media were closed.

In order to ensure new order On August 19, troops were sent to Moscow. However, the GKChP’s struggle for power was not simple - the President of the RSFSR B.N. opposed them. Yeltsin, who issued a decree that all executive bodies must strictly obey the President of Russia (RSFSR). Thus, he managed to organize a good defense and resist the State Emergency Committee. The confrontation between the two structures ended on August 20 with Yeltsin’s victory. All members of the State Emergency Committee were arrested immediately.

On the 21st, Gorbachev returns to the country, who immediately receives a number of ultimatums from the new government, which he is forced to agree to. As a result, Gorbachev renounces the post of Chairman of the CPSU Central Committee, dissolves the CPSU, the Cabinet of Ministers, republican ministries and a number of other government bodies. Gradually, the collapse of all government structures begins.

The meaning and results of the August putsch

Members of the State Emergency Committee conceived the August putsch as a measure that should prevent the collapse of the Soviet Union, which by that time was in the deepest crisis, but the attempt not only failed, in many ways it was the putsch that accelerated the events that happened next. The Soviet Union finally showed itself as an untenable structure, the government was completely reorganized, and various republics gradually began to emerge and gain independence.

The Soviet Union gave way to the Russian Federation.

) - a self-proclaimed government body in the USSR, consisting of representatives of the leadership of the CPSU Central Committee and the USSR government, which carried out an attempt to remove M.S. on August 18-21, 1991. Gorbachev from the post of President of the USSR, seizure of power in the country, change of political course. The events of August 1991, which ended with the arrest of members of the State Emergency Committee, predetermined the collapse of the USSR.

Political and economic crisis, which experienced the USSR since the late 1980s, threatened the existence of the socialist system in the Soviet state, the hegemony communist party in it, the unity of the country. Part of the Soviet leadership saw the reasons for the negative phenomena in the policy of perestroika and glasnost, which was pursued by the President of the USSR and general secretary Central Committee of the CPSU M.S. Gorbachev. In their opinion, Gorbachev’s inconsistency, excessive liberalism, and carelessness led to the fact that outspoken enemies of socialism were able to launch a widespread protest movement in the USSR, weaken state discipline, and paralyze the effectiveness of law enforcement agencies.

The State Emergency Committee included Vice-President of the USSR Gennady Ivanovich Yanaev (Chairman of the State Emergency Committee), Prime Minister of the USSR Valentin Sergeevich Pavlov, First Deputy Chairman of the USSR Defense Council Oleg Dmitrievich Baklanov, Chairman of the KGB of the USSR Vladimir Aleksandrovich Kryuchkov, Minister of Internal Affairs of the USSR Boris Karlovich Pugo, Minister Defense of the USSR Dmitry Timofeevich Yazov, President of the Association of State Enterprises and Facilities of Industry, Construction, Transport and Communications of the USSR Alexander Ivanovich Tizyakov, Chairman of the Peasant Union of the USSR Vasily Aleksandrovich Starodubtsev. On August 18, 1991, President of the USSR M.S. Gorbachev, by means of specially created security groups, was isolated in his residence in Foros (Crimea), where he was on vacation with his family.

On the morning of August 19, members of the State Emergency Committee made an appeal on television, announced the introduction of a state of emergency for six months, the deployment of troops to Moscow, the introduction of censorship in the media and the banning of a number of them, the abolition of a number of constitutional rights and freedoms of citizens. However, no effective measures were taken to ensure the state of emergency. This allowed opponents of the State Emergency Committee, primarily the leadership of the RSFSR led by B.N. Yeltsin, the city authorities of Moscow and Leningrad, organized powerful resistance. By call Russian authorities, masses of Muscovites gathered at the House of Soviets of the Russian Federation (White House), among whom were representatives of different social groups: democratically minded public, students, intelligentsia, veterans of the Afghan war. The actions of the State Emergency Committee were qualified as a coup d'etat. On August 21, 1991, all members of the State Emergency Committee were arrested, with the exception of the USSR Minister of Internal Affairs Boris Pugo, who committed suicide.

In addition to members of the State Emergency Committee, they were involved in criminal liability persons who, according to the investigation, actively contributed to the State Emergency Committee. Among them were the Chairman of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR A.I. Lukyanov, member of the Politburo of the CPSU Central Committee O.S. Shenin, First Secretary of the Moscow City Committee of the CPSU Yu.A. Prokofiev, Army General V.I. Varennikov, head of the General Department of the CPSU Central Committee V.I. Boldin, head of the security of the President of the USSR V.T. Medvedev, Deputy Chairman of the KGB of the USSR G.E. Ageev, head of security at the residence in Foros V.V. Generals. The State Emergency Committee was publicly supported by the leader of the Liberal Democratic Party V.V. Zhirinovsky, but he was not held accountable because he did not hold any public office.

The actions of the members of the State Emergency Committee and their supporters were considered by the investigation, but did not receive a legal assessment, since in 1994 all arrested members of the State Emergency Committee were amnestied before trial. Only V.I., who was not a member of the committee, voluntarily appeared before the court. Varennikov, who was acquitted.

The events that took place from August to December 1991 in the USSR can safely be called the most important in the entire post-war world history. It was not for nothing that Russian President Vladimir Putin described the collapse of the Soviet Union as the largest geopolitical catastrophe of the century. And its course was determined to a certain extent by the coup attempt carried out by the State Committee for the State of Emergency (GKChP). 25 years have passed, new generations of Russian citizens have grown up, for whom these events are purely history, and those who lived in those years have probably forgotten a lot. However, the very fact of the destruction of the USSR and the timid attempt to save it still causes lively debate.

The weakening of the USSR: objective and artificial reasons

Centrifugal tendencies in the USSR began to be clearly visible already in the late 80s. Today we can confidently say that they were the consequences of not only internal crisis phenomena. Immediately after the end of World War II, the entire Western world and first of all the United States of America. This was enshrined in a number of directives, circulars and doctrines. Every year, fabulous funds were allocated for these purposes. Since 1985 alone, about $90 billion has been spent on the collapse of the USSR.

In the 1980s, the US authorities and intelligence services were able to form a fairly powerful agency of influence in the Soviet Union, which, although it did not seem to occupy key positions in the country, was capable of having a serious impact on the course of events at the national level. According to numerous evidence, the leadership of the USSR KGB repeatedly reported what was happening to the Secretary General Mikhail Gorbachev, as well as the US plans to destroy the USSR, take control of its territory and reduce the population to 150-160 million people. However, Gorbachev did not take any actions aimed at blocking the activities of Western supporters and actively opposing Washington.

The Soviet elites were divided into two camps: conservatives, who proposed returning the country to traditional ways, and reformers, informal leader which was Boris Yeltsin, demanding democratic reforms and greater freedom for the republics.

March 17, 1991 An all-Union referendum on the fate of the Soviet Union took place, in which 79.5% of citizens who had the right to vote took part. Almost 76.5% of them were in favor of preserving the USSR , but with a cunning wording - how "a renewed federation of equal sovereign republics."

On August 20, 1991, the old Union Treaty was supposed to be canceled and a new one was signed, giving the start to a virtually renewed state - the Union of Soviet Sovereign Republics (or Union of Sovereign States), of which he planned to become Prime Minister Nursultan Nazarbayev.

It was, in fact, the members of the State Committee for the State of Emergency who opposed these reforms and for preserving the USSR in its traditional form.

According to information actively disseminated by Western and Russian liberal media, KGB officers allegedly overheard a confidential conversation about the creation of the JIT between Gorbachev, Yeltsin and Nazarbayev and decided to act. According to the Western version, they blocked Gorbachev, who did not want to introduce a state of emergency, in Foros (and even planned his physical liquidation), declared a state of emergency, brought army and KGB forces to the streets of Moscow, wanted to storm the White House, capture or kill Yeltsin and destroy democracy. Arrest warrants were printed en masse in printing houses, and handcuffs were produced in huge quantities in factories.

But this theory has not been objectively confirmed by anything. What really happened?

State Emergency Committee. Chronology of main events

August 17 Some of the heads of law enforcement agencies and executive authorities held a meeting at one of the secret facilities of the USSR KGB in Moscow, during which they discussed the situation in the country.

August 18 Some future members and sympathizers of the State Emergency Committee flew to Crimea to see Gorbachev, who was ill there, to convince him to introduce a state of emergency. According to the version popular in Western and liberal media, Gorbachev refused. However, evidence from participants in the events clearly indicates that Gorbachev, although he did not want to take responsibility for making a difficult decision, gave the go-ahead to the people who came to him to act at their own discretion, after which he shook their hands.

In the afternoon, according to the well-known version, communications were cut off at the presidential dacha. However, there is information that journalists managed to call there using a regular phone. There is also evidence that government special communications were working at the dacha all the time.

On the evening of August 18, documents on the creation of the State Emergency Committee are being prepared. And at 01:00 on August 19, the Vice-President of the USSR Yanaev signed them, including himself, Pavlov, Kryuchkov, Yazov, Pugo, Baklanov, Tizyakov and Starodubtsev in the committee, after which the State Emergency Committee decided to introduce a state of emergency in certain areas of the Union.

On the morning of August 19th The media announced Gorbachev’s inability to perform duties due to health reasons, the transfer of power to Gennady Yanaev and the creation of the State Emergency Committee for the entire country. In turn, the head of the RSFSR Yeltsin signed a decree “On the illegality of the actions of the State Emergency Committee” and began mobilizing his supporters, including through the radio station “Echo of Moscow”.

In the morning, units of the army, the KGB and the Ministry of Internal Affairs are moving to Moscow, taking protection of a number of important objects. And at lunchtime, crowds of Yeltsin’s supporters begin to gather in the center of the capital. The head of the RSFSR publicly demands to “repel the putschists.” Opponents of the State Emergency Committee begin to build barricades, and a state of emergency is introduced in Moscow.

August 20 A large rally is taking place near the White House. Yeltsin personally addresses its participants. Participants in mass actions are beginning to be frightened by rumors of an impending assault.

Later Western media They will tell heartbreaking stories about how the putschists were going to throw tanks and special forces at the “defenders of democracy,” but the special forces commanders refused to carry out such orders.

Objectively, there is no data on the preparation of the assault. The special forces officers would later deny both the existence of orders to attack the White House and their refusal to carry them out.

In the evening, Yeltsin appoints himself and... O. Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces on the territory of the RSFSR, and Konstantin Kobets- Minister of Defense. Kobets orders the troops to return to their places of permanent deployment.

In the evening and at night from August 20 to 21 In the capital, there is a movement of troops, local clashes occur between protesters and the military, and three participants in mass actions die.

Command internal troops refuses to move units to the center of Moscow. Armed cadets educational institutions The Ministry of Internal Affairs arrives to protect the White House.

As morning approaches, the troops begin to leave the city. In the evening, Gorbachev already refuses to accept the State Emergency Committee delegation, and Yanaev officially dissolves it. Prosecutor General Stepankov signs a decree on the arrest of committee members.

August 22 Gorbachev returns to Moscow, interrogations of members of the State Emergency Committee begin, and they are relieved of their positions.

August 23“Defenders of Democracy” demolish the monument Dzerzhinsky(reminds me of nothing?), the activities of the Communist Party are prohibited in Russia.

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On August 24, Gorbachev resigned as General Secretary of the CPSU and proposed that the Central Committee dissolve itself. The process of the collapse of the USSR became irreversible, ending with the well-known events of December 1991.

Life after the USSR. Assessment of the events of 1991

Judging by the results of referendums and elections that took place at the end of 1991 in various parts of the USSR, the majority of the population of the Union then actually supported its collapse.

There is no time on the territory single state Wars and ethnic cleansing began to break out one after another, the economies of most republics collapsed, crime increased catastrophically and the population began to decline rapidly. The “dashing 90s” burst into people’s lives like a whirlwind.

The fate of the republics developed differently. In Russia, the era of the aforementioned “dashing 90s” ended with the coming to power Vladimir Putin, and in Belarus - Alexandra Lukashenko. In Ukraine, the drift towards traditional ties began at the start of the 2000s, but it was interrupted by the Orange Revolution. Georgia was moving away from the general Soviet history jerkily. Kazakhstan emerged from the crisis relatively smoothly and rushed towards Eurasian integration.

Objectively, nowhere in the post-Soviet territory does the population have social guarantees USSR level. In most of the former Soviet republics, the standard of living did not approach the Soviet one.

Even in Russia, where household incomes have increased significantly, social security problems call into question the thesis of an increase in the standard of living compared to what it was before 1991.

Not to mention the fact that a huge superpower, which shared first place in the world in military, political and economic power only with the United States, which the Russian people for many years was proud.

It is indicative how Russians assess the events of 1991 today, 25 years later. The data from a study conducted by the Levada Center to some extent sums up the numerous disputes about the State Emergency Committee and the actions of Yeltsin’s team.

Thus, only 16% of Russian residents said that they would come out to “defend democracy” - that is, they would support Yeltsin and defend the White House - if they were the participants in the events of 1991! 44% answered categorically what to protect new government they wouldn't. 41% of respondents are not ready to answer this question.

Today only 8% of Russian residents call the events of August 1991 a victory of the democratic revolution. 30% characterize what happened as a tragic event that had disastrous consequences for the country and people, 35% - simply as an episode in the struggle for power, 27% found it difficult to answer.

Talking about possible consequences After the victory of the State Emergency Committee, 16% of respondents said that with this development of events Russia would live better today, 19% - that it would live worse, 23% - that it would live the same way as it lives today. 43% could not decide on an answer.

15% of Russians believe that in August 1991 the representatives of the State Emergency Committee were right, 13% - that Yeltsin’s supporters. 39% claim that they did not have time to understand the situation, and 33% do not know what to answer.

40% of respondents said that after the events of August 1991 the country went in the wrong direction, 33% said that it was in the right direction. 28% found it difficult to answer.

It turns out that approximately one third to half of Russians are not sufficiently informed about the events of August 1991 and cannot unambiguously assess them. Among the remaining part of the population, those who evaluate the “August revolution” and the activities of the “defenders of democracy” negatively predominate moderately. The overwhelming majority of Russian residents would not take any action to counter the State Emergency Committee. In general, few people today are happy about the defeat of the committee.

So what really happened in those days and how to evaluate these events?

State Emergency Committee - an attempt to save the country, an anti-democratic putsch or a provocation?

The day before it became known that the CIA predicted the emergence of the State Emergency Committee back in April 1991! An unknown speaker from Moscow informed the leadership of the intelligence service that “supporters of tough measures”, traditionalists, are ready to remove Gorbachev from power and reverse the situation. At the same time, Langley believed that it would be difficult for Soviet conservatives to retain power. A Moscow source listed all the leaders of the future State Emergency Committee and predicted that Gorbachev, in the event of a potential revolt, would try to maintain control over the country.

It is clear that there is not a word about the US response in the information document. But of course they had to be. When the State Emergency Committee arose, the US leadership harshly condemned it and did everything to achieve similar actions from others Western countries. Position of the heads of the USA, Great Britain and others Western states was voiced by journalists directly in the Vesti program, which, in turn, could not but influence the consciousness of doubting Soviet citizens.

In the whole story with the State Emergency Committee, there are a number of oddities.

Firstly, The leaders of the powerful security forces of the USSR, undisputed intellectuals and excellent organizers of the old school, for some reason acted spontaneously, uncertainly and even somehow confused. They were never able to decide on a tactic of action. Yanaev’s shaking hands while speaking on camera went down in history.

From which it is logical to assume that the creation of the State Emergency Committee was a completely unprepared step.

Secondly, Yeltsin’s team, which was by no means composed of such experienced and powerful people as their opponents, worked like clockwork. Warning schemes, transport, and communications operated effectively; the defenders of the barricades were well fed and watered; leaflets were printed and distributed in huge quantities; their own media worked.

Everything indicates that Yeltsin was well prepared for such a development of events.

Thirdly, Mikhail Gorbachev, who continued to be the official head of the USSR, fell ill at the right time and left Moscow. Thus, the country was deprived supreme power, and he himself remained as if he had nothing to do with it.

Fourthly, The President of the USSR did not take any measures to try to stop the leaders of the State Emergency Committee. On the contrary, with his words he gave them complete freedom of action.

Fifthly, Today it is known that back in June 1991, the US authorities discussed the prospect of a putsch in the USSR with Gorbachev and the leadership of the USSR Foreign Ministry. Surely, in two months, the President of the Union, if he wanted, would not have prevented it?

All these strange facts raise questions and doubts about the official interpretation of the victorious side, according to which the State Emergency Committee was an illegal military junta that, without the knowledge of Gorbachev, tried to strangle the sprouts of democracy. Moreover, all of the above suggests the version that Gorbachev and Yeltsin could deliberately provoke their political opponents to take active action at an inconvenient time for them.

On the one hand, the signing of a new Union Treaty was a victory for the reformers. But the victory, to put it mildly, was half-hearted. The traditionalists, who occupied virtually all the key positions in the state, had, if they had been well prepared, all the necessary tools to disrupt the signing of the treaty during the event itself through political means and to launch a political counterattack during the crisis that would inevitably follow the signing itself. In fact, the traditionalists found themselves forced to act without preparation, at an inconvenient time, against opponents who, on the contrary, were well prepared for the fight.

Everything indicates that Gorbachev and Yeltsin could simply have lured the organizers of the State Emergency Committee into a trap, after falling into which they were forced to act according to someone else’s scenario. Everyone who could stop the death of the USSR in 1991 was thrown out of the game overnight.

Some of the members of the State Emergency Committee and people sympathizing with the committee died shortly after the coup. mysterious circumstances, committing strange suicides, and the other part was quietly amnestied in 1994, when they no longer posed any threat. The Gakachepists were framed, but when this became clear, it was too late to do anything.

The events of August 1991 fit perfectly into the scheme of color revolutions, with the only difference being that the head of state actually played on the side of the “revolutionaries - defenders of democracy.” Mikhail Sergeevich Gorbachev could probably tell a lot of interesting things, but he is unlikely to do it. A man whom fate had elevated to the very top of world politics, the head of a superpower, exchanged all this for advertising pizza and bags. And Russian citizens, even 25 years later, understand this perfectly well and evaluate it accordingly.

Those who propose to forget the history of August 1991 as a bad dream are categorically wrong. Then we experienced one of the most tragic events in our history, and it is simply vital to correct mistakes in this regard. The bloody consequences of the collapse of the USSR still have to be dealt with - including in Ukraine: people are now being killed in the Donbass largely due to the fact that the State Emergency Committee was unable to stop the local princelings who wanted to tear apart the state for the sake of personal power.

At the same time, supporters of the other extreme, who deny the right to exist of the Russian Federation because of the tragedy of August 1991, are also wrong. Yes, the USSR was destroyed contrary to the will of the people, expressed in the referendum on March 17, but this is not a reason to deny Russia its current statehood - the guarantee of the sovereign existence of the Russian people. On the contrary, everything must be done to develop the Russian Federation as an internationally recognized successor to the USSR. And the ultimate task is to use it to restore the former greatness of our Fatherland.