Nestor Makhno is a partisan commander and the idol of Ukrainian peasants. Nestor Ivanovich Makhno - leader of the liberation movement

One of the most controversial figures of the Civil War of 1917-1922/23, the leader and organizer of the liberation movement in the southern part of the Ukrainian territories is Nestor Ivanovich Makhno. This charismatic historical figure is known as “Batko Makhno” - he signed some documents that way.

Nestor Ivanovich was born into a peasant family in the village of Gulyaypole in the territory of modern Zaporozhye region (formerly Yekaterinoslav province). There were five children in the family, Nestor was the fifth son. Since childhood, he worked for landowners, performing various agricultural jobs. He studied at a 2-year school in Gulyai-Polye. He worked as a painter's assistant and was a factory worker.

After the formation of the Union of Free Grain Growers, he became an active participant in this association. Another name for the group is “Peasant Group of Anarcho-Communists.” The goals of the organization were armed struggle against the rich and officials. The group organized massacres and terrorist attacks. In 1906, the same year he became a member of the group, Makhno was first arrested on charges of illegal storage weapons. He spent two years in prison. Having been released, after 2 months he was arrested for murder and sentenced to death. The sentence was commuted and Makhno went to hard labor.

In prison, Makhno received an anarchist “education” - the future famous rebel met some ideologists of anarchism and became imbued with their ideas. Ideological education engaged in Pyotr Arshinov, an activist of the anarchist movement.

Makhno was not an exemplary prisoner in prison - he participated in riots and protests several times, for which he was repeatedly sent to punishment cell. Makhno was in prison until the revolutionary events of 1917.

After the revolution

February Revolution brought many changes to the political and economic structure of the country. After the revolution, criminal and political prisoners were amnestied. After his release, Makhno returned home, where he was entrusted with a managerial position - he became deputy chairman of the volost zemstvo, and in the spring of 1917 - head of the peasant union of the village of Gulyaipole. Despite his position, Makhno formed the Black Guard and never abandoned his anarchist position. The goal remained the idea of expropriation of property - the Batka detachment attacked landowners, trains, officers, and wealthy merchants.

Gradually Makhno began to form his own state entity.

October 1917 and participation in the events of the Civil War

Makhno, back in mid-1917, advocated radical revolutionary changes. But he insisted that Constituent Assembly it is not necessary to convene, but the most unworthy elements - the capitalists - must be expelled from the Provisional Government.

Makhno began radical actions within his region, establishing workers' control; he also dissolved the zemstvo. Nestor Ivanovich declares himself commissar. Makhno's power and influence have strengthened, and he calls on the peasants not to react to any authority, to create a free commune. Even landowners can live in a commune if they accept the living conditions in this entity.

After the October Revolution, he called for a fight against the Central Rada and other opponents of the revolution. In the Revolutionary Committee, which was headed by Makhno, there were representatives of the left-wing Socialist Revolutionaries, anarchists, and socialist revolutionaries. In 1918, on the territory of modern Ukraine, the Ukrainian State was formed - a puppet state entity headed by Hetman Skoropadsky; real power belonged to the German government, which occupied part of the Ukrainian territories. Makhno enters into a struggle not only with the enemies of revolutionary changes, but also with the Germans.

Since 1918, he has become a well-known figure among anarchists - he participates in anarchist conferences and meets with the leaders of the Bolshevik government. In the same year, Makhno formed a strong partisan detachment, who successfully fights against German troops. After the Germans retreated and the Directory led by Petlyura came to power, he began to fight against him. In November 1918, he formed the revolutionary headquarters of Gulyai-Polye. At the end of 1918, for the first time he accepted the Bolshevik proposal to jointly oppose Petliura. It would be a mistake to assume that Makhno shared the ideals of the Bolsheviks - accepting the Bolshevik proposal meant that the anarchist leader agreed to help, as he himself announced at the Congress of Soviets, “Great Russia” only if the Bolsheviks helped Ukraine in the fight against counter-revolution and did not claim territory and the establishment of monopoly power.

In 1919, Makhno entered into a formal agreement with the Reds. The goal was a joint fight against Denikin’s “white” army. Makhno received the rank of brigade commander. In April 1919, Makhno openly stated his demands: a revision of economic policy by the Bolsheviks, socialization of enterprises and land, freedom of speech, renunciation of the monopoly power of the party. As a result, Makhno decides to create a separate rebel army.

Having broken contacts with the “Reds”, Makhno conducts a raid in the rear of the “White” army - he manages to weaken its influence and significantly change the balance of power in the region. In September, the rebel army was officially formed; “Old Man” rejected all offers of alliances from the “whites”.

It was decided to create their own peasant republic with its center in Yekaterinoslav. At this stage, Makhno’s main enemies were Wrangel’s troops - to fight them he had to make a second alliance with the “Reds”. The Makhnovists took part in battles in the Crimea, where they were betrayed by their ally - the army was surrounded, only a few survived. Soon the Bolsheviks defeat the Makhnovist partisan detachments, and the peasant republic ceases to exist. Makhno ends up in prison, and then in exile in France, where he dies from a long-standing illness in 1934.

Nestor Ivanovich

Battles and victories

Makhno himself considered himself a military commander, and not a leader of the population of the occupied territory.

Nestor Ivanovich Makhno was born on October 26, 1888 in the village of Gulyai-Polye, Yekaterinoslav province, into a peasant family. It was a large village, in which there were even factories, at one of which he worked as a foundry worker.

Terrorist, trade boss, chairman of the Council

In 1911, Makhno ended up in Moscow Butyrki. Here he studied self-education and met Pyotr Arshinov, who was more “savvy” in anarchist teaching, who would later become one of the ideologists of the Makhnovist movement. In prison, Makhno fell ill with tuberculosis and had his lung removed.

The February Revolution of 1917 opened the doors of prison for Makhno, and in March he returned to Gulyai-Polye. Makhno gained popularity as a fighter against autocracy and a speaker at public gatherings, and was elected to the local government body - the Public Committee. He became the leader of the Gulyai-Polye group of anarcho-communists, which subordinated the Public Committee to its influence and established control over the network of public structures in the region, which included the Peasant Union (since August - the Council), the Council of Workers' Deputies and the trade union. Makhno headed the volost executive committee of the Peasant Union, which actually became the authority in the region.

After the start of Kornilov’s speech, Makhno and his supporters created the Committee for the Defense of the Revolution under the Soviet and confiscated weapons from landowners, kulaks and German colonists in favor of their detachment. In September, the volost congress of Soviets and peasant organizations in Gulyai-Polye, convened by the Committee for the Defense of the Revolution, proclaimed the confiscation of landowners' lands, which were transferred to peasant farms and communes. So Makhno was ahead of Lenin in implementing the slogan “Land to the peasants!”

On October 4, 1917, Makhno was elected chairman of the board of the trade union of metalworkers, woodworkers and other trades, which united virtually all the workers of Gulyai-Polye and a number of surrounding enterprises (including mills). Makhno, who combined leadership of the trade union with leadership of the largest local armed political group, forced entrepreneurs to fulfill the demands of the workers. On October 25, the union board decided: “Workers who are not members of the union are required to immediately enroll as members of the Union, otherwise they risk losing the support of the Union.” A course was set for the universal introduction of an eight-hour working day. In December 1917, Makhno, busy with other matters, transferred the chairmanship of the trade union to his deputy A. Mishchenko.

Makhno was already faced with new tasks - a struggle for power began to boil between supporters and opponents of the Soviets. Makhno stood for Soviet power. Together with a detachment of Gulyai-Polye men, commanded by his brother Savva, Nestor disarmed the Cossacks, then took part in the work of the Alexander Revolutionary Committee, and headed the revolutionary committee in Gulyai-Polye. In December, on Makhno’s initiative, the Second Congress of Soviets of the Gulyai-Polye region met, which adopted the resolution “Death to the Central Rada.” The Makhnovsky district was not going to submit to either the Ukrainian, Red or White authorities.

At the end of 1917, Makhno had a daughter from Anna Vasetskaya. Makhno lost contact with this family in the military whirlpool of the spring of 1918. After the conclusion of the Brest Peace Treaty in March 1918, German troops began advancing into Ukraine. Residents of Gulyai-Polye formed a “free battalion” of about 200 fighters, and now Makhno himself took command. He went to the Red Guard headquarters to get weapons. In his absence, on the night of April 15-16, a coup was carried out in Gulyai-Polye in favor of Ukrainian nationalists. At the same time, a detachment of nationalists suddenly attacked the “free battalion” and disarmed it.

In June 1918, Makhno met with anarchist leaders, including P.A. Kropotkin, was among the visitors of V.I. Lenin and Ya.M. Sverdlova. In a conversation with Lenin, Makhno, on behalf of the peasantry, outlined to him his vision of the principles of Soviet power as self-government, and argued that anarchists in the Ukrainian countryside were more influential than communists. Lenin made a strong impression on Makhno, the Bolsheviks helped the anarchist leader cross to occupied Ukraine.

Batko, brigade commander, division commander, army commander

In July 1918, Makhno returned to the vicinity of Gulyai-Polye, then created a small partisan detachment, which in September began military operations, attacking estates, German colonies, occupiers and employees of Hetman Skoropadsky. The first major battle with the Austro-Hungarian troops and supporters of the Ukrainian state in the village of Dibrivki (B. Mikhailovka) turned out to be successful for the partisans, earning Makhno the honorary nickname “father”. In the Dibrivok area, Makhno’s detachment united with F. Shchusya’s detachment. Then other local detachments began to join Makhno. The successful partisans began to receive the support of the peasants. Makhno emphasized the anti-landowner and anti-kulak nature of his actions.

Started in mid-December fighting between the Makhnovists and supporters of the UPR. Makhno entered into an agreement on joint actions with the Ekaterinoslav Bolsheviks and was appointed gubernatorial committee and Commander-in-Chief of the Soviet Revolutionary Workers' and Peasants' Army of the Ekaterinoslav region. On December 27-31, 1918, Makhno, in alliance with a detachment of Bolsheviks, recaptured Ekaterinoslav from the Petliurists. But the Petliurists launched a counterattack and recaptured the city. Makhno and the communists blamed each other for the defeat. Having lost half of his detachment, Makhno returned to the left bank of the Dnieper.

In January 1919, units of the Volunteer Army launched an offensive on Gulyai-Polye. The Makhnovists suffered from a shortage of ammunition and weapons, which forced them to enter into an alliance with the Bolsheviks on January 26, 1919. On February 19, Makhnovist troops entered the 1st Trans-Dnieper Division of the Red Army under the command of P.E. Dybenko as the 3rd brigade under the command of Makhno.

Having received ammunition from the Reds, on February 4 Makhno went on the offensive and took Bamut, Volnovakha, Berdyansk and Mariupol, defeating the White group. The peasants, submitting to “voluntary mobilization,” sent their sons to the Makhnovist regiments. The villages patronized their regiments, the soldiers chose commanders, the commanders discussed upcoming operations with the soldiers, each soldier knew his task well. This “military democracy” gave the Makhnovists a unique fighting ability. The growth of Makhno's army was limited only by the ability to arm new recruits. For 15-20 thousand armed fighters there were over 30 thousand unarmed reserves.

On February 8, 1919, in his appeal, Makhno put forward the following task: “Building a true Soviet system, in which the Soviets, elected by the working people, would be servants of the people, implementers of those laws, those orders that the working people themselves will write at the All-Ukrainian Labor Congress...”

“Our working community will have full power within itself and will carry out its will, its economic and other plans and considerations through its bodies, which it itself creates, but which it does not endow with any power, but only with certain instructions,” - wrote Makhno and Arshinov in May 1919.

Subsequently, Makhno called his views anarcho-communism of the “Bakunin-Kropotkin sense.”

Speaking on February 14, 1919 at the II Gulyai-Polye district congress of front-line soldiers, Soviets and sub-departments, Makhno said: “I call on you to unity, because unity is the guarantee of the victory of the revolution over those who sought to strangle it. If comrade Bolsheviks come from Great Russia to Ukraine to help us in the difficult struggle against counter-revolution, we must say to them: “Welcome, dear friends!” But if they come here with the goal of monopolizing Ukraine, we will tell them: “Hands off!” We ourselves know how to raise the emancipation of the working peasantry to a height, we ourselves will be able to arrange for ourselves new life- where there will be no lords, slaves, oppressed and oppressors.”

The resolutions of the congress were consonant with anarchist ideas: “The Second Regional Congress... persistently calls on fellow peasants and workers to build a new free society on the ground, without violent decrees and orders, in spite of the rapists and oppressors of the whole world, without rulers, without subordinate slaves, without the rich, and without the poor." The congress delegates spoke sharply against the “parasite officials” who are the source of “violent orders.”

In February 1919, the policy of the RCP(b) was sharply criticized at the Second Congress of Soviets of Gulyai-Polye. The resolution of the congress read: “Political and various other commissars, not elected by us, but appointed by the government, monitor every step of the local councils and mercilessly deal with those comrades from the peasants and workers who come out in defense of people's freedom against representatives of the central government. Calling itself a workers' and peasants' government, the government of Russia and Ukraine blindly follows the lead of the Bolshevik Communist Party, which, in the narrow interests of its party, conducts vile, irreconcilable persecution of other revolutionary organizations.

Hiding behind the slogan of the “dictatorship of the proletariat,” the Bolshevik Communists declared a monopoly on the revolution for their party, considering all dissenters to be counter-revolutionaries... We call on the comrades of workers and peasants not to entrust the liberation of the working people to any party, to any central power: liberation of the working people is the work of the working people themselves.”

“And who can we blame?

Who can close the window?

So as not to see how guarded the pack is

And the peasantry love Makhno so much?..”
S.A. Yesenin, Country of Scoundrels, 1922 - 1923.

At the congress, the political body of the movement, the Military Revolutionary Council (VRC), was elected. The party composition of the VRS was left-socialist - 7 anarchists, 3 left Socialist Revolutionaries and 2 Bolsheviks and one sympathizer. Makhno was elected an honorary member of the VRS. Thus, on the territory controlled by the Makhnovists, an independent system of Soviet power arose, autonomous from the central government of the Ukrainian SSR. This caused mutual distrust between Makhno and the Soviet command.

Makhno invited brigades of anarchists to the area of operation to promote anarchist views and cultural and educational work. Of the visiting anarchists, the old comrade P.A. had an influence on Makhno. Arshinov. In the area where the Makhnovists operated, political freedom existed for leftist movements - the Bolsheviks, left Socialist Revolutionaries and anarchists. Makhno received the chief of staff sent by the division commander Dybenko - the left Socialist Revolutionary Ya.V. Ozerov and communist commissars. They engaged in propaganda, but had no political power.

The commander of the Ukrainian Front, V. Antonov-Ovseenko, who visited the area in May 1919, reported: “children’s communes and schools are being established - Gulyai-Polye is one of the most cultural centers of Novorossia - there are three secondary educational institutions, etc. Through Makhno’s efforts, ten hospitals for the wounded were opened, a workshop was organized to repair guns and locks were made for the guns.”

The communists tolerated the openly anti-Bolshevik nature of the Makhnovists' speeches as long as the Makhnovists advanced. But in April the front stabilized, and the fight against Denikin’s forces continued with varying degrees of success. The Bolsheviks set a course to eliminate the special situation of the Makhnovist region. Heavy fighting and supply shortages increasingly exhausted the Makhnovists.

On April 10, the III regional congress of peasants, workers and rebels in Gulyai-Polye adopted decisions directed against the military-communist policy of the RCP (b). Chief Dybenko responded with a telegram: “Any congresses convened on behalf of the military-revolutionary headquarters dissolved according to my order are considered clearly counter-revolutionary, and the organizers of such will be subjected to the most repressive measures, up to and including outlawing.” The congress responded to the division commander with a sharp rebuke, which further compromised Makhno in the eyes of the command.

On April 25, the Kharkov Izvestia published an article “Down with Makhnovshchina,” which said: “The insurgent movement of the peasantry accidentally fell under the leadership of Makhno and his “Military Revolutionary Headquarters,” in which both the reckless anarchists and the White-Left Socialist Revolutionaries found refuge. and other remnants of “former” revolutionary parties that disintegrated. Having fallen under the leadership of such elements, the movement significantly lost strength; the successes associated with its rise could not be consolidated by the anarchic nature of its actions... The outrages that are happening in Makhno’s “kingdom” must be put to an end.” This article outraged Makhno and raised fears that it was a prelude to an attack by the Bolsheviks. On April 29, he ordered the detention of some of the commissars, deciding that the Bolsheviks were preparing an attack on the Makhnovists: “Let the Bolsheviks sit with us, just as our Cheka sits in the Cheka’s dungeons.”

The conflict was resolved during negotiations between Makhno and the commander of the Ukrainian Front V.A. Antonova-Ovseenko. Makhno even condemned the most harsh provisions of the resolutions of the Congress of Soviets of the region and promised to prevent the election of command personnel, which (apparently due to the contagiousness of the example) was so feared in neighboring parts of the Red Army. Moreover, the commanders had already been chosen, and no one was going to change them at that time.

But, having made some concessions, the old man put forward a new, fundamentally important idea that could try on two strategies of the revolution: “Before a decisive victory over the whites, a revolutionary front must be established, and he (Makhno. - A.Sh.) strives to prevent civil strife between various elements this revolutionary front."

On May 1, the brigade was withdrawn from the subordination of the P.E. division. Dybenko and subordinated to the emerging 7th Division of the 2nd Ukrainian Army, which never became a real formation. In fact, not only the 7th Division, but the entire 2nd Army consisted of Makhno’s brigade and several regiments that were significantly inferior to it in numbers.

The reason for a new aggravation of relations with the communists was the deployment of the 3rd brigade to the division. The paradoxical situation, when the brigade made up the majority of the army, interfered with the appropriate supply, and the interaction of the command with the huge “brigade”, and the management of its units. The Soviet command first agreed to the reorganization, and then refused to create a division under the command of an obstinate opposition commander. On May 22, Trotsky, who arrived in Ukraine, called such plans “preparation of a new Grigorievshchina.” On May 25, at a meeting of the Council of Workers' and Peasants' Defense of Ukraine, chaired by Kh. Rakovsky, the issue of “Makhnovshchina and its liquidation” was discussed. It was decided to “liquidate Makhno” with the help of the regiment.

Having learned about the intentions of the command, Makhno announced on May 28, 1919 that he was ready to resign, since he “never aspired to high ranks” and “will do more in the future among the grassroots of the people for the revolution.” But on May 29, 1919, the headquarters of the Makhnov division decided: “1) urgently invite Comrade Makhno to remain in his duties and powers, which Comrade Makhno tried to relinquish; 2) transform all Makhnovist forces into an independent rebel army, entrusting the leadership of this army to Comrade Makhno. The army is operationally subordinate to the Southern Front, since the latter's operational orders will proceed from the living needs of the revolutionary front." In response to this step, the Revolutionary Military Council of the Southern Front, on May 29, 1919, decided to arrest Makhno and bring him before the Revolutionary Tribunal. Makhno did not accept the title of army commander and continued to consider himself a division commander.

This was announced when the Southern Front itself began to fall apart under the blows of Denikin. The Makhnovist headquarters called for the restoration of unity: “There is a need for cohesion, unity. Only with common effort and consciousness, with a common understanding of our struggle and our common interests for which we are fighting, will we save the revolution... Give up, comrades, all sorts of party differences, they will destroy you.”

On June 6, Makhno sent a telegram to V.I. Lenin, L.D. Trotsky, L.B. Kamenev and K.E. Voroshilov, in which he offered to “send a good military leader who, having familiarized himself with the matter on the spot with me, could take command of the division from me.”

Meanwhile, the Whites invaded the Gulyai-Polye area. For some time, with a small detachment, Makhno still fought side by side with the red units, but on June 15, with a small detachment, he left the front. Its units continued to fight in the ranks of the Red Army. On the night of June 16, seven members of the Makhnovist headquarters were shot by the verdict of the Donbass revolutionary tribunal. The chief of staff of Ozerov continued to fight with the whites, but on August 2, according to the verdict of the VUCHK, he was shot. Makhno gave money to groups of anarchists who went out to prepare terrorist attacks against the Whites (M.G. Nikiforova and others) and the Bolsheviks (K. Kovalevich and others). On June 21, 1919, Makhno’s detachment crossed to the right bank of the Dnieper.

In July, Makhno married Galina Kuzmenko, who became his fighting friend for many years.

Makhno tried to stay away from the front rear so as not to contribute to the successes of the Whites. Makhno's detachment attacked Elisavetgrad on July 10, 1919. On July 11, 1919, the Makhnovists united with the detachment of the nationalist ataman N.A. Grigorieva. In accordance with the agreement of the two leaders, Grigoriev was declared commander, and Makhno - chairman of the Revolutionary Military Council of the Insurgent Army. Makhno's brother Grigory became the chief of staff. Disagreements arose between the Makhnovists and the Grigorievites in connection with N.A.’s anti-Semitism. Grigoriev and his reluctance to fight against the Whites. July 27 N.A. Grigoriev was killed by the Makhnovists. Makhno sent a telegram on air: “Everyone, everyone, everyone. Copy - Moscow, Kremlin. We killed the famous ataman Grigoriev. Signed - Makhno."

Under pressure from Denikin, the Red Army was forced to retreat from Ukraine. The former Makhnovists, who found themselves under the command of the Bolsheviks in June, did not want to go to Russia.

...Russian anarchism, which gave birth to the world-famous theorists Kropotkin and Bakunin, in the practical activities of the party throughout the Russian Troubles represents one continuous tragic farce. And it would, of course, be imprudent not to appropriate the only serious movement for ourselves and not to canonize Makhno as our leader - such a bright figure of timelessness, albeit with a robber guise...
A.I. Denikin. Essays on Russian Troubles. Paris, 1921.

The superior forces of the Whites pushed the Makhnovists back near Uman. Here the Makhnovists entered into an “alliance” with the Petliurists, to whom they handed over their convoy with the wounded.

Makhnovia in the white rear

In July-August 1919, the White Army advanced across the vastness of Russia and Ukraine towards Moscow and Kyiv. The officers peered into the horizon. A few more victorious battles, and Moscow will greet its liberators with the ringing of bells. On the flank of Denikin’s campaign against Moscow, it was necessary to solve a “simple” task - to finish off the remnants of the Southern Red group, Makhno’s gang and, if possible, Ukrainian nationalist Petlyura, who got under the feet of Russian statehood. After the Whites drove the Reds out of Yekaterinoslav with a dashing raid and thereby overcame the Dnieper barrier, the cleansing of Ukraine seemed a done deal. But when the Whites entered the area where Makhno had gathered his forces in early September, difficulties arose. On September 6, the Makhnovists launched a counterattack near Pomoschnaya. They moved from all sides, and the discordant crowd just before the attack turned into a dense formation. The Whites fought back, but it turned out that Makhno at that time bypassed their positions and captured a convoy with ammunition. They were what the “father” needed.

On September 22, 1919, General Slashchev gave the order to put an end to Makhno in the Uman region. How much time can you waste on this gang! Of course, the Makhnovists are numerous, but they are a rabble, and the disciplined forces of the Volunteer Army are superior to the bandits in their combat effectiveness. After all, they are chasing the Reds! Slashchev's units dispersed in different directions to drive the beast. The Simferopol White Regiment occupied Peregonovka. The trap slammed shut. General Sklyarov’s detachment entered Uman and began to wait for the “game” to be brought to him.

Meanwhile, the “game” itself drove the hunters. On September 26, a terrible roar was heard - the Makhnovists blew up their stock of mines, which were still difficult to carry with them. It was both a signal and a “psychic attack.” The cavalry and infantry rushed towards the whites, supported by many machine guns on carts. Denikin’s troops could not stand it and began to seek salvation on the heights, thereby opening the way for the Makhnovists to key crossings and forks in the roads. At night, the Makhnovists were already everywhere, the cavalry pursued those retreating and fleeing. On the morning of September 27, the Makhnovist cavalry mass crushed the ranks of the Lithuanian battalion and cut down those who did not have time to flee. This formidable force moved on, destroying the whites who got in their way. Having brought up their guns, the Makhnovists began to shoot the battle formations pressed against the river. Their commander, Captain Hattenberger, realizing that defeat was inevitable, shot himself. Having killed the remaining whites, the Makhnovists moved to Uman and drove Sklyarov’s forces out of there. Slashchev's regiments were broken in parts, Denikin's front was broken through on the flank.

Makhno's army burst into operational space behind Denikin's rear. Makhno, commanding the central column of rebels, occupied Aleksandrovsk and Gulyai-Polye in early October. In the area of Gulyai-Polye, Aleksandrovsk and Yekaterinoslav, a vast rebel zone arose, which absorbed part of the white forces during Denikin’s attack on Moscow.

In the Makhnovist region, on October 27 - November 2, a congress of peasants, workers and rebels was held in Aleksandrovsk. In his speech, Makhno stated that “the best volunteer regiments of Gen. Denikin was completely defeated by rebel detachments,” but also criticized the communists, who “sent punitive detachments to “suppress the counter-revolution” and thereby interfered with the free insurrection in the fight against Denikin.” Makhno called for joining the army “to destroy all violent power and counter-revolution.” After the speech of the Menshevik worker delegates, Makhno again took the floor and sharply spoke out against the “underground agitation on the part of the Mensheviks,” whom, like the Socialist Revolutionaries, he called “political charlatans” and called for “no mercy” for them and “drive them out.” After this, some of the working delegates left the congress. Makhno responded by saying that he did not “brand” all workers, but only “charlatans.” On November 1, he appeared in the newspaper “Path to Freedom” with the article “It cannot be otherwise”: “Is it acceptable that the workers of the city of Aleksandrovsk and its surroundings, in the person of their delegates - the Mensheviks and right Socialist Revolutionaries - on a free business worker-peasant and at the insurgent congress held opposition to the Denikin founders?

From October 28 to December 19 (with a break of 4 days), the Makhnovists held the large city of Yekaterinoslav. Enterprises were transferred into the hands of those who work for them. On October 15, 1919, Makhno addressed the railway workers: “In order to quickly restore normal railway traffic in the area we liberated, as well as based on the principle of establishing a free life by the workers’ and peasants’ organizations themselves and their associations, I propose that comrades, railway workers and employees, energetically organize and establish the movement itself, setting a sufficient payment for passengers and cargo, except for military personnel, as a reward for its work, organizing its cash desk on a comradely and fair basis and entering into the closest relations with workers’ organizations, peasant societies and rebel units.”

Makhno insisted that workers should repair weapons free of charge. At the same time, Makhno allocated 1 million rubles for the needs of the health insurance fund. The Makhnovists established benefits for those in need. The Military Revolutionary Council was headed by the anarchist V. Volin, who became the leading ideologist of the movement (Arshinov temporarily lost contact with Makhno during the events of the summer of 1919). The activities of leftist parties were allowed. There was counterintelligence, authorized to arrest white agents and conspirators. She allowed arbitrariness against civilians. The Makhnovist army grew to several tens of thousands of fighters.

In December 1919, the Makhnovist army was disorganized by a typhus epidemic, then Makhno also fell ill.

Between whites and reds

At a meeting of command staff in Gulyai-Polye on January 11, 1920, it was decided to grant the rebels a month's leave. Makhno declared his readiness to “go hand in hand” with the Red Army while maintaining independence. At this time, more than two Red divisions attacked, disarmed and partially shot the Makhnovists, including the sick. Makhno's brother Grigory was captured and shot, and in February, another brother Savva, who was involved in supply in the Makhnovist army, was captured. Makhno went into hiding during his illness.

After Makhno's recovery in February 1920, the Makhnovists resumed hostilities against the Reds. In winter and spring, a grueling guerrilla war unfolded; the Makhnovists attacked small detachments, workers of the Bolshevik apparatus, warehouses, distributing grain supplies to the peasants. In the area of Makhno's actions, the Bolsheviks were forced to go underground, and spoke openly only accompanied by large military units. In May 1920, the Council of Revolutionary Insurgents of Ukraine (Makhnovists) was created, headed by Makhno, which included Chief of Staff V.F. Belash, commanders Kalashnikov, Kurylenko and Karetnikov. The name SRPU emphasized that we are not talking about the RVS, usual for a civil war, but about a “nomadic” government body of the Makhnovist republic.

Wrangel’s attempts to establish an alliance with Makhno ended in the execution of the White emissary by decision of the SRPU and the Makhnovist headquarters on July 9, 1920.

In March-May 1920, detachments under the command of Makhno fought with units of the 1st Cavalry Army, VOKhR and other forces of the Red Army. In the summer of 1920, the army under the overall command of Makhno numbered more than 10 thousand soldiers. On July 11, 1920, Makhno’s army began a raid outside its region, during which it took the cities of Izyum, Zenkov, Mirgorod, Starobelsk, Millerovo. On August 29, 1920, Makhno was seriously wounded in the leg (in total, Makhno had more than 10 wounds).

In the conditions of Wrangel’s offensive, when the Whites occupied Gulyai-Polye, Makhno and his Socialist Party of Ukraine were not against concluding a new alliance with the Reds if they were ready to recognize the equality of the Makhnovists and the Bolsheviks. At the end of September, consultations about the union began. On October 1, after a preliminary agreement on the cessation of hostilities with the Reds, Makhno, in an address to the rebels operating in Ukraine, called on them to stop hostilities against the Bolsheviks: “by remaining indifferent spectators, the Ukrainian rebels would help the reign in Ukraine of either the historical enemy - the Polish lord, or again royal power headed by a German baron." On October 2, an agreement was signed between the government of the Ukrainian SSR and the Socialist Party of Ukraine (Makhnovists). In accordance with the agreement between the Makhnovists and the Red Army, hostilities ceased, an amnesty was declared in Ukraine for anarchists and Makhnovists, they received the right to propagate their ideas without calling for the violent overthrow of the Soviet government, to participate in councils and in elections to the V Congress of Councils scheduled for December. The parties mutually agreed not to accept deserters. The Makhnovist army came under operational subordination to the Soviet command with the condition that it “preserved the previously established routine within itself.”

Acting together with the Red Army, on October 26, 1920, the Makhnovists liberated Gulyai-Polye, where Makhno was stationed, from the Whites. Best powers Makhnovists (2,400 sabers, 1,900 bayonets, 450 machine guns and 32 guns) under the command of S. Karetnikov were sent to the front against Wrangel (Makhno himself, wounded in the leg, remained in Gulyai-Polye) and participated in the crossing of Sivash.

After the victory over the Whites on November 26, 1920, the Reds suddenly attacked the Makhnovists. Having taken command of the army, Makhno managed to escape from the blow dealt to his forces in Gulyai-Polye. Southern Front of the Red Army under the command of M.V. Frunze, relying on his multiple superiority in forces, managed to surround Makhno in Andreevka near Sea of Azov, but on December 14-18, Makhno broke into operational space. However, he had to go to the Right Bank of the Dnieper, where the Makhnovists did not have sufficient support from the population. During heavy fighting in January-February 1921, the Makhnovists broke through to their native places. On March 13, 1921, Makhno was again seriously wounded in the leg.

In 1921, Makhno's troops finally turned into gangs of robbers and rapists.
Great Soviet Encyclopedia, 1969-1978.

Nestor Makhno in the Zaporozhye Regional Museum of Local Lore

On May 22, 1921, Makhno moved to a new raid to the north. Despite the fact that the headquarters of the unified army was restored, the forces of the Makhnovists were dispersed, Makhno was able to concentrate only 1,300 fighters for operations in the Poltava region. At the end of June - beginning of July M.V. Frunze inflicted a sensitive defeat on the Makhnovist strike group in the area of the Sulla and Psel rivers. After the announcement of the NEP, peasant support for the rebels weakened. On July 16, 1921, Makhno, at a meeting in Isaevka near Taganrog, proposed that his army make its way to Galicia to raise an uprising there. But disagreements arose over what to do next, and only a minority of fighters followed Makhno.

Makhno with a small detachment broke through all of Ukraine to the Romanian border and on August 28, 1921 crossed the Dniester into Bessarabia.

Emigration

Once in Romania, the Makhnovists were disarmed by the authorities, in 1922 they moved to Poland and were placed in an internment camp. On April 12, 1922, the All-Russian Central Executive Committee announced a political amnesty, which did not apply to 7 “hardened criminals,” including Makhno. Soviet authorities demanded the extradition of Makhno as a “bandit.” In 1923, Makhno, his wife and two associates were arrested and accused of preparing an uprising in Eastern Galicia. On October 30, 1923, a daughter, Elena, was born to Makhno and Kuzmenko in a Warsaw prison. Makhno and his comrades were acquitted by the court. In 1924, Makhno moved to Danzig, where he was again arrested in connection with the killings of Germans during the civil war. Having fled from Danzig to Berlin, Makhno arrived in Paris in April 1925 and from 1926 settled in the suburb of Vincennes. Here Makhno worked as a turner, carpenter, painter and shoemaker. Participated in public discussions about the Makhnovist movement and anarchism.

In June 1926, Arshinov and Makhno put forward a draft “Organizational Platform of the General Union of Anarchists,” which proposed to unite the anarchists of the world on the basis of discipline, combining anarchist principles of self-government with institutions where “leading positions in the economic and social life of the country” are preserved. Supporters of the "Platform" held a conference in March 1927, which began to create the International Anarcho-Communist Federation. Makhno entered the secretariat to convene its congress. But soon leading anarchist theorists criticized the Platform project as too authoritarian and contrary to the principles of the anarchist movement. Desperate to reach an agreement with the anarchists, in 1931 Arshinov switched to the position of Bolshevism, and the idea of “platformism” failed. Makhno did not forgive his old comrade for this renegade.

Makhno’s original political testament was his 1931 letter to the Spanish anarchists J. Carbo and A. Pestaña, in which he warned them against an alliance with the communists during the revolution that had begun in Spain. Makhno warns his Spanish comrades: “Having experienced relative freedom, the anarchists, like ordinary people, became carried away by free speech.”

Cover of a book about N.I. Makhno

Since 1929, Makhno’s tuberculosis worsened, he took part in less and less social activities, but continued to work on his memoirs. The first volume was published in 1929, the other two were published posthumously. There he outlined his views on the future anarchist system: “I thought of such a system only in the form of a free Soviet system, in which the entire country is covered by local, completely free and independent social self-government of workers.”

At the beginning of 1934, Makhno’s tuberculosis worsened and he was admitted to the hospital. He died in July.

Makhno's ashes were buried in the Père Lachaise cemetery next to the graves of the Parisian communards. Two years after his death, the black banner of anarchy, which had fallen from Makhno’s hands, would again develop next to the red and republican banners in revolutionary Spain - contrary to the warnings of the father and in accordance with the experience of the Makhnovist movement, in accordance with the very logic of the struggle against oppression and exploitation.

SHUBIN A.V., Doctor of Historical Sciences, Professor

Literature

Antonov-Ovseenko V.A. Notes on the Civil War. M-L., 1932.

Arshinov P. History of the Makhnovist movement. Berlin, 1923.

Belash A.V., Belash V.F. The roads of Nestor Makhno. Kyiv, 1993.

Makhnovshchina and its yesterday's Bolshevik allies. Paris, 1928.

Nestor Ivanovich Makhno. Kyiv, 1991.

Nestor Makhno. Peasant movement in Ukraine. 1918-1921. M., 2006.

Skirda A. Nestor Makhno. Cossack of Freedom (1888-1934). Civil war and the struggle for free councils in Ukraine in 1917-1921. Paris, 2001.

Shubin A.V. Makhno and his time. About the Great Revolution and Civil War of 1917-1922. in Russia and Ukraine. M., 2013.

Internet

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Chapaev Vasily Ivanovich

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On his account:
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He came from a family of Starodub princes.
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Govorov Leonid Alexandrovich

Kondratenko Roman Isidorovich

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(Zhukov G.K. Memories and reflections.)

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Gurko Joseph Vladimirovich

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The greatest commander of the Second World War. Two people in history were awarded the Order of Victory twice: Vasilevsky and Zhukov, but after the Second World War it was Vasilevsky who became the Minister of Defense of the USSR. His military genius is unsurpassed by ANY military leader in the world.

Batitsky

I served in the air defense and therefore I know this surname - Batitsky. Do you know? By the way, the father of air defense!

Kappel Vladimir Oskarovich

Without exaggeration, he is the best commander of Admiral Kolchak’s army. Under his command, Russia's gold reserves were captured in Kazan in 1918. At 36 years old, he was a lieutenant general, commander of the Eastern Front. The Siberian Ice Campaign is associated with this name. In January 1920, he led 30,000 Kappelites to Irkutsk to capture Irkutsk and free the Supreme Ruler of Russia, Admiral Kolchak, from captivity. The general's death from pneumonia largely determined the tragic outcome of this campaign and the death of the Admiral...

Kutuzov Mikhail Illarionovich

After Zhukov, who took Berlin, the second should be the brilliant strategist Kutuzov, who drove the French out of Russia.

Sheremetev Boris Petrovich

Shein Alexey Semyonovich

The first Russian generalissimo. Leader of the Azov campaigns of Peter I.

It's simple - It was he, as a commander, who made the greatest contribution to the defeat of Napoleon. He saved the army under the most difficult conditions, despite misunderstandings and grave accusations of treason. It is to him that ours is practically a contemporary of those events great poet Pushkin dedicated the poem "Commander".
Pushkin, recognizing Kutuzov's merits, did not oppose him to Barclay. In place of the common alternative “Barclay or Kutuzov,” with the traditional resolution in favor of Kutuzov, Pushkin came to a new position: both Barclay and Kutuzov are both worthy of the grateful memory of posterity, but Kutuzov is revered by everyone, but Mikhail Bogdanovich Barclay de Tolly is undeservedly forgotten.
Pushkin mentioned Barclay de Tolly even earlier, in one of the chapters of “Eugene Onegin” -

Thunderstorm of the twelfth year
It has arrived - who helped us here?
The frenzy of the people
Barclay, winter or Russian god?...

Alekseev Mikhail Vasilievich

One of the most talented Russian generals of the First World War. Hero of the Battle of Galicia in 1914, savior of the Northwestern Front from encirclement in 1915, chief of staff under Emperor Nicholas I.

General of Infantry (1914), Adjutant General (1916). Active participant in the White movement in the Civil War. One of the organizers of the Volunteer Army.

Stalin (Dzhugashvili) Joseph Vissarionovich

He was the Supreme Commander-in-Chief of all armed forces of the Soviet Union. Thanks to his talent as a Commander and Outstanding Statesman, the USSR won the bloodiest WAR in the history of mankind. Most of the battles of World War II were won with his direct participation in the development of their plans.

Markov Sergey Leonidovich

One of the main heroes of the early stage of the Russian-Soviet war.
Veteran of the Russian-Japanese, First World War and Civil War. Knight of the Order of St. George 4th class, Order of St. Vladimir 3rd class and 4th class with swords and bow, Order of St. Anne 2nd, 3rd and 4th class, Order of St. Stanislaus 2nd and 3rd th degrees. Holder of the St. George's Arms. Outstanding military theorist. Member of the Ice Campaign. An officer's son. Hereditary nobleman of the Moscow Province. He graduated from the General Staff Academy and served in the Life Guards of the 2nd Artillery Brigade. One of the commanders of the Volunteer Army at the first stage. He died the death of the brave.

Linevich Nikolai Petrovich

Nikolai Petrovich Linevich (December 24, 1838 - April 10, 1908) - a prominent Russian military figure, infantry general (1903), adjutant general (1905); general who took Beijing by storm.

Prince Svyatoslav

Zhukov Georgy Konstantinovich

He made the greatest contribution as a strategist to the victory in the Great Patriotic War (aka World War II).

Wrangel Pyotr Nikolaevich

Participant in the Russo-Japanese and First World Wars, one of the main leaders (1918−1920) of the White movement during the Civil War. Commander-in-Chief of the Russian Army in Crimea and Poland (1920). General Staff Lieutenant General (1918). Knight of St. George.

Barclay de Tolly Mikhail Bogdanovich

In front of the Kazan Cathedral there are two statues of the saviors of the fatherland. Saving the army, exhausting the enemy, the Battle of Smolensk - this is more than enough.

Pozharsky Dmitry Mikhailovich

In 1612, during the most difficult time for Russia, he led the Russian militia and liberated the capital from the hands of the conquerors.
Prince Dmitry Mikhailovich Pozharsky (November 1, 1578 - April 30, 1642) - Russian national hero, military and political figure, head of the Second People's Militia, which liberated Moscow from the Polish-Lithuanian occupiers. His name and the name of Kuzma Minin are closely associated with the country’s exit from the Time of Troubles, which is currently celebrated in Russia on November 4th.
After the election of Mikhail Fedorovich to the Russian throne, D. M. Pozharsky plays a leading role at the royal court as a talented military leader and statesman. Despite the victory of the people's militia and the election of the Tsar, the war in Russia still continued. In 1615-1616. Pozharsky, on the instructions of the tsar, was sent to head large army to fight the troops of the Polish colonel Lisovsky, who besieged the city of Bryansk and took Karachev. After the fight with Lisovsky, the tsar instructs Pozharsky in the spring of 1616 to collect the fifth money from merchants into the treasury, since the wars did not stop and the treasury was depleted. In 1617, the tsar instructed Pozharsky to conduct diplomatic negotiations with the English ambassador John Merik, appointing Pozharsky as governor of Kolomensky. In the same year, the Polish prince Vladislav came to the Moscow state. Residents of Kaluga and its neighboring cities turned to the tsar with a request to send them D. M. Pozharsky to protect them from the Poles. The Tsar fulfilled the request of the Kaluga residents and gave an order to Pozharsky on October 18, 1617 to protect Kaluga and surrounding cities by all available measures. Prince Pozharsky fulfilled the king's order with honor. Having successfully defended Kaluga, Pozharsky received an order from the tsar to go to the aid of Mozhaisk, namely to the city of Borovsk, and began flying squads disturb the troops of Prince Vladislav, causing them significant damage. However, at the same time, Pozharsky became very ill and, at the behest of the tsar, returned to Moscow. Pozharsky, having barely recovered from his illness, took an active part in defending the capital from Vladislav’s troops, for which Tsar Mikhail Fedorovich awarded him new fiefs and estates.

Grand Duke of Russia Mikhail Nikolaevich

General Feldzeichmeister (Commander-in-Chief of the Artillery of the Russian Army), youngest son Emperor Nicholas I, Viceroy in the Caucasus since 1864. Commander-in-Chief of the Russian Army in the Caucasus in the Russian-Turkish War of 1877-1878. Under his command the fortresses of Kars, Ardahan, and Bayazet were taken.

Stalin Joseph Vissarionovich

Victory in the Great Patriotic War, saving the entire planet from absolute evil, and our country from extinction.
From the first hours of the war, Stalin controlled the country, front and rear. On land, at sea and in the air.
His merit is not one or even ten battles or campaigns, his merit is Victory, made up of hundreds of battles of the Great Patriotic War: the battle of Moscow, battles in the North Caucasus, Battle of Stalingrad, the battle on the Kursk Bulge, the battle of Leningrad and many others before the capture of Berlin, success in which was achieved thanks to the monotonous inhuman work of the genius of the Supreme Commander-in-Chief.
Alexey Tribunsky

Platov Matvey Ivanovich

Military Ataman of the Don Cossack Army. He began active military service at the age of 13. A participant in several military campaigns, he is best known as the commander of Cossack troops during the Patriotic War of 1812 and during the subsequent Foreign Campaign of the Russian Army. Thanks to the successful actions of the Cossacks under his command, Napoleon’s saying went down in history:
- Happy is the commander who has Cossacks. If I had an army of only Cossacks, I would conquer all of Europe.

Suvorov Alexander Vasilievich

The greatest Russian commander! He has more than 60 victories and not a single defeat. Thanks to his talent for victory, the whole world learned the power of Russian weapons

Suvorov Alexander Vasilievich

If anyone has not heard, there is no point in writing

I beg the military historical society to correct the extreme historical injustice and include in the list of the 100 best commanders, the leader of the northern militia who did not lose a single battle, who played an outstanding role in the liberation of Russia from the Polish yoke and unrest. And apparently poisoned for his talent and skill.

Stalin Joseph Vissarionovich

He was the Supreme Commander-in-Chief of the USSR during the Great Patriotic War! Under his leadership, the USSR won the Great Victory during the Great Patriotic War!

Stalin Joseph Vissarionovich

Commander-in-Chief of the Red Army, which repelled the attack of Nazi Germany, liberated Europe, author of many operations, including “Ten Stalinist Strikes” (1944)

Blucher, Tukhachevsky

Blucher, Tukhachevsky and the whole galaxy of heroes of the Civil War. Don't forget Budyonny!

Romodanovsky Grigory Grigorievich

An outstanding military figure of the 17th century, prince and governor. In 1655, he won his first victory over the Polish hetman S. Potocki near Gorodok in Galicia. Later, as commander of the army of the Belgorod category (military administrative district), he played a major role in organizing the defense of the southern border of Russia. In 1662, he won the greatest victory in the Russian-Polish war for Ukraine in the battle of Kanev, defeating the traitor hetman Yu. Khmelnytsky and the Poles who helped him. In 1664, near Voronezh, he forced the famous Polish commander Stefan Czarnecki to flee, forcing the army of King John Casimir to retreat. Repeatedly beat the Crimean Tatars. In 1677 he defeated the 100,000-strong Turkish army of Ibrahim Pasha near Buzhin, and in 1678 he defeated the Turkish corps of Kaplan Pasha near Chigirin. Thanks to his military talents, Ukraine did not become another Ottoman province and the Turks did not take Kyiv.

Kotlyarevsky Petr Stepanovich

Hero of the Russian-Persian War of 1804-1813. At one time they called Suvorov of the Caucasus. On October 19, 1812, at the Aslanduz ford across the Araks, at the head of a detachment of 2221 people with 6 guns, Pyotr Stepanovich defeated Persian army 30,000 people with 12 guns. In other battles, he also acted not with numbers, but with skill.

Kornilov Vladimir Alekseevich

During the outbreak of the war with England and France, he actually commanded the Black Sea Fleet, and until his heroic death he was the immediate superior of P.S. Nakhimov and V.I. Istomina. After the landing of the Anglo-French troops in Yevpatoria and the defeat of the Russian troops on Alma, Kornilov received an order from the commander-in-chief in the Crimea, Prince Menshikov, to sink the ships of the fleet in the roadstead in order to use sailors for the defense of Sevastopol from land.

Ushakov Fedor Fedorovich

During the Russian-Turkish War of 1787-1791, F. F. Ushakov made a serious contribution to the development of sailing fleet tactics. Relying on the entire set of principles for training naval forces and military art, incorporating all the accumulated tactical experience, F. F. Ushakov acted creatively, based on the specific situation and common sense. His actions were distinguished by decisiveness and extraordinary courage. Without hesitation, he reorganized the fleet into battle formation even when approaching the enemy directly, minimizing the time of tactical deployment. Despite the established tactical rule of placing the commander in the middle of the battle formation, Ushakov, implementing the principle of concentration of forces, boldly placed his ship in the forefront and occupied the most dangerous positions, encouraging his commanders with his own courage. He was distinguished by a quick assessment of the situation, an accurate calculation of all success factors and a decisive attack aimed at achieving complete victory over the enemy. In this regard, Admiral F. F. Ushakov can rightfully be considered the founder of the Russian tactical school in naval art.

Ushakov Fedor Fedorovich

A man whose faith, courage, and patriotism defended our state

Gagen Nikolai Alexandrovich

On June 22, trains with units of the 153rd Infantry Division arrived in Vitebsk. Covering the city from the west, Hagen's division (together with the heavy artillery regiment attached to the division) occupied a 40 km long defense line; it was opposed by the 39th German Motorized Corps.

After 7 days of fierce fighting, the division's battle formations were not broken through. The Germans no longer contacted the division, bypassed it and continued the offensive. The division appeared in a German radio message as destroyed. Meanwhile, the 153rd Rifle Division, without ammunition and fuel, began to fight its way out of the ring. Hagen led the division out of encirclement with heavy weapons.

For the demonstrated steadfastness and heroism during the Elninsky operation on September 18, 1941, by order of the People's Commissar of Defense No. 308, the division received the honorary name “Guards”.
From 01/31/1942 to 09/12/1942 and from 10/21/1942 to 04/25/1943 - commander of the 4th Guards Rifle Corps,
from May 1943 to October 1944 - commander of the 57th Army,
from January 1945 - the 26th Army.

Troops under the leadership of N.A. Gagen took part in the Sinyavinsk operation (and the general managed to break out of encirclement for the second time with weapons in hand), the Battles of Stalingrad and Kursk, battles in the Left Bank and Right Bank Ukraine, in the liberation of Bulgaria, in the Iasi-Kishinev, Belgrade, Budapest, Balaton and Vienna operations. Participant of the Victory Parade.

Duke of Württemberg Eugene

General of the Infantry, cousin of the Emperors Alexander I and Nicholas I. In service in the Russian Army since 1797 (enlisted as a colonel in the Life Guards Horse Regiment by Decree of Emperor Paul I). Participated in military campaigns against Napoleon in 1806-1807. For participation in the battle of Pułtusk in 1806 he was awarded the Order of St. George the Victorious, 4th degree, for the campaign of 1807 he received a golden weapon “For Bravery”, he distinguished himself in the campaign of 1812 (he personally led the 4th Jaeger Regiment into battle in the Battle of Smolensk), for participation in the Battle of Borodino he was awarded the Order of St. George the Victorious, 3rd degree. Since November 1812, commander of the 2nd Infantry Corps in Kutuzov's army. He took an active part in the foreign campaigns of the Russian army of 1813-1814, units under his command particularly distinguished themselves in the Battle of Kulm in August 1813, and in the “Battle of the Nations” at Leipzig. For courage at Leipzig, Duke Eugene was awarded the Order of St. George, 2nd degree. Parts of his corps were the first to enter defeated Paris on April 30, 1814, for which Eugene of Württemberg received the rank of infantry general. From 1818 to 1821 was the commander of the 1st Army Infantry Corps. Contemporaries considered Prince Eugene of Württemberg one of the best Russian infantry commanders during the Napoleonic Wars. On December 21, 1825, Nicholas I was appointed chief of the Tauride Grenadier Regiment, which became known as the “Grenadier Regiment of His Royal Highness Prince Eugene of Württemberg.” On August 22, 1826 he was awarded the Order of St. Andrew the First-Called. Participated in the Russian-Turkish war of 1827-1828. as commander of the 7th Infantry Corps. On October 3, he defeated a large Turkish detachment on the Kamchik River.

Over the mountains, over the valleys
I've been waiting for my blue ones for a long time
Father is wise, Father is glorious,
Our good father - Makhno...

(peasant song from the Civil War)

He was able to create an army and conducted successful military operations against the Austro-Germans and against Denikin.

And for * carts * even if he was not awarded the Order of the Red Banner, it should be done now

Peter I the Great

Emperor of All Russia (1721-1725), before that the Tsar of All Rus'. Won the victory in Northern War(1700-1721). This victory finally opened up free access to Baltic Sea. Under his rule, Russia (Russian Empire) became a Great Power.

Golenishchev-Kutuzov Mikhail Illarionovich

(1745-1813).
1. A GREAT Russian commander, he was an example for his soldiers. Appreciated every soldier. "M.I. Golenishchev-Kutuzov is not only the liberator of the Fatherland, he is the only one who outplayed the hitherto invincible French emperor, turning " great army"into the crowd of ragamuffins, saving, thanks to his military genius, the lives of many Russian soldiers."
2. Mikhail Illarionovich, being a highly educated man who knew several foreign languages, dexterous, sophisticated, able to animate society with the gift of words and an entertaining story, served Russia as an excellent diplomat - ambassador to Turkey.
3. M.I. Kutuzov is the first to become a full holder of the highest military order of St. St. George the Victorious four degrees.
The life of Mikhail Illarionovich is an example of service to the fatherland, attitude towards soldiers, spiritual strength for Russian military leaders of our time and, of course, for the younger generation - future military men.

Skopin-Shuisky Mikhail Vasilievich

A talented commander who distinguished himself during the Time of Troubles at the beginning of the 17th century. In 1608, Skopin-Shuisky was sent by Tsar Vasily Shuisky to negotiate with the Swedes in Novgorod the Great. He managed to negotiate Swedish assistance to Russia in the fight against False Dmitry II. The Swedes recognized Skopin-Shuisky as their undisputed leader. In 1609, he and the Russian-Swedish army came to the rescue of the capital, which was under siege by False Dmitry II. He defeated detachments of adherents of the impostor in the battles of Torzhok, Tver and Dmitrov, and liberated the Volga region from them. He lifted the blockade from Moscow and entered it in March 1610.

Ermak Timofeevich

Russian. Cossack. Ataman. Defeated Kuchum and his satellites. Approved Siberia as part of the Russian state. He dedicated his entire life to military work.

Suvorov Alexander Vasilievich

He is a great commander who did not lose a single (!) battle, the founder of Russian military affairs, and fought battles with genius, regardless of their conditions.

Osterman-Tolstoy Alexander Ivanovich

One of the brightest "field" generals of the early 19th century. Hero of the battles of Preussisch-Eylau, Ostrovno and Kulm.

Barclay de Tolly Mikhail Bogdanovich

Full Knight of the Order of St. George. In the history of military art, according to Western authors (for example: J. Witter), he entered as the architect of the “scorched earth” strategy and tactics - cutting off the main enemy troops from the rear, depriving them of supplies and organizing guerrilla warfare in their rear. M.V. Kutuzov, after taking command of the Russian army, essentially continued the tactics developed by Barclay de Tolly and defeated Napoleon’s army.

Skopin-Shuisky Mikhail Vasilievich

In the conditions of the disintegration of the Russian state during the Time of Troubles, with minimal material and personnel resources, he created an army that defeated the Polish-Lithuanian interventionists and liberated most of the Russian state.

Nevsky Alexander Yaroslavich

He defeated the Swedish detachment on July 15, 1240 on the Neva and the Teutonic Order, the Danes in the Battle of the Ice on April 5, 1242. All his life he “won, but was invincible.” He played an exceptional role in Russian history during that dramatic period when Rus' was attacked by three sides - the Catholic West, Lithuania and the Golden Horde. Defended Orthodoxy from Catholic expansion. Revered as a pious saint. http://www.pravoslavie.ru/put/39091.htm K.K. Rokossovsky

Name: Nestor Makhno

Age: 45 years old

Place of birth: Gulyaipole, Russia

Place of death: Paris, France

Activity: political and military leader, anarchist

Marital status: was married

Nestor Makhno - biography

Historians often portrayed Makhno as an ataman of slobs who did not recognize order and lived by robbery. This was partly true. But why the mighty Red Army and well-trained White Guard regiments could not cope with yesterday’s farm laborers, historians have not been able to answer.
Born on October 26, 1888. Also known as “Father Makhno”.

The transformation of the boy Nestor into the dashing chieftain Makhno did not happen overnight. It all started in 1906 at an iron foundry in Gulyai-Polye, where a teenage farmhand was taken as an apprentice. It was here that the fragile consciousness was replenished with the first information about the struggle of the proletariat for its rights. But Nestor cared more for the farm laborers than for the workers, but this did not change the essence of the matter. He gladly participated in tasks assigned by his senior comrades, and at the age of 18 he was arrested for possession of weapons.

Nestor Makhno - Sentenced to the Gallows

During interrogations, Nestor was silent as a fish and did not betray anyone. He was released, but the lesson was of no use. Despite the mother’s attempt to marry her son, the guy was not ready for marriage and abandoned his betrothed. And six months later, in 1908, he took part in an attack on prison staff, which ended in a double murder. Almost all of the detainees were sentenced to death, and 20-year-old Nestor was no exception. The grief-stricken mother in despair wrote a letter to the king asking for mercy for her son. And a miracle happened - the execution was replaced with lifelong hard labor.

During his imprisonment, Makhno was severely beaten more than once, and was imprisoned in a punishment cell six times, where he contracted tuberculosis. The doctors were categorical: the disease was progressing, the lung had to be removed. No one expected him to survive, but Nestor pulled out.

Makhno communicated a lot with political prisoners. One of them, a classic of anarchism, Pyotr Arshinov became a mentor for him, forced him to work on self-education: literature, history, mathematics, philosophy... The prison universities were interrupted by the February Revolution.

To the sounds of "La Marseillaise" all the political figures were released. It seemed that a bright democratic future awaited Russia. Nobody expected that it would turn into a bloody nightmare.

After serving nine years for the ideals of the revolution, Makhno returned to his native place as an authoritative man. In addition to his mother, his pen pal Nastya Vasetskaya was waiting for him in Gulyai-Polye. Nestor, hungry for female affection, immediately proposed to her, which the girl accepted. But the love for the revolution turned out to be stronger than the love for a woman. Leaving his pregnant wife in the care of his mother, Nestor plunged headlong into the maelstrom of revolutionary passions.

Makhno - Defender of farm laborers

When the German boot set foot on the soil of Ukraine, and in Kyiv the Rada declared independence from Russia, Makhno’s head went spinning. Black suddenly turned out to be white, and vice versa. In the same prison he could ask Arshinov for advice, but here Makhno was like a blind kitten.

Not finding answers to his questions, Nestor went to the cities of Russia to meet with the leaders of the anarchist movement. So, in Moscow he met with the classic of anarchism, Prince Kropotkin, and mentor Arshinov. But the latter refused all entreaties to go with them.

In the Kremlin, Makhno managed to get an appointment with Lenin. The future dad liked the leader of the proletariat, but their views differed. Nevertheless, Ilyich agreed with the visitor that, with the support of local underground fighters, he would launch a guerrilla war against German troops. This is how the first alliance between the Bolsheviks and the anarchist Makhno was concluded.

At the beginning of the struggle, Makhno's detachment was one of dozens of gangs prowling in search of prey. But wherever Nestor went, he convinced the peasants that he was guarding their interests.

Unlike the Bolsheviks, who proposed to nationalize the land, Dad said that it should not belong to anyone, but that plots of land should be given to those who cultivate it for use. The villagers liked such speeches; they willingly signed up for the detachment or brought their sons to it. Moreover, many villages took food patronage over the father’s divisions to show their unity with him.

War is war, but no one can cancel love: Nestor met the anarchist chieftain Marusya Nikiforova. They say about such people: he will stop a galloping horse and enter a burning hut.

There were legends about the courage of the old man, despite his frail physique, and Marusya could not resist. However, the two strong personalities were not destined to get along together.

When did Nestor appear in her life? beautiful brunette Galya, he undoubtedly broke off his previous relationship. A former nun, she escaped from the monastery and joined Makhno’s army, becoming a telephone operator. But Galina Kuzmenko could not be called a timid young lady. She took part in battles, fired a machine gun and personally shot two Makhnovists convicted of looting and violence.

Not on the same path with the Bolsheviks

Having finished with the Germans, the Bolshevik government found itself in mortal danger from Denikin's army. The White Guard general was already preparing to take Moscow, when his plans were disrupted by the semi-literate Ataman Makhno.

However, it is wrong to call a chieftain a man who commanded a 50,000-strong army with cavalry, artillery and even airplanes. But how could a man who had never been trained in tactics, who had yesterday’s farmhands under his arms, resist the White Guard? But it was Makhno who, having carried out a stunning raid on the cities of Donbass in 1919, caused a commotion in the rear of Denikin’s troops.

For this, the Bolsheviks nominated Makhno for the Order of the Red Banner for No. 4. The Whites urgently had to remove the best units from the front and send them to suppress the “peasant” revolt. The delay allowed the Red Army to organize its defense and defend Moscow.

However, observing what the Bolsheviks were doing in the occupied villages, how they unceremoniously confiscated grain and livestock from the peasants, the father began to think.

This difficult situation worsened when General Shkuro began to push back the Makhnovists, and they, not receiving ammunition and medicine from the allies, were unable to hold the line and retreated. Having learned about this, the commander-in-chief of the Red Army, Trotsky, flew into a rage and declared Makhno an outlaw. But his dad got ahead of him, sending a dispatch to the Kremlin that he was devoted to the cause of the revolution, but did not see the same in the Bolsheviks.

Moscow did not attach much importance to the dispatch. Denikin was still strong, and the Bolsheviks again asked Makhno for help.

Choosing between two evils, Nestor sided with the communists. And again, as soon as Denikin’s threat had passed, the Reds decided to neutralize the peasant leader. Baron Wrangel interfered.

Unlike Denikin, he was a reformer and promised radical changes in case of victory. Wrangel sent an envoy to Makhno, but he, not wanting to deal with the nobility, pointedly executed him.

Together with units of the Red Army, the Makhnovists crossed Lake Sivash and defeated Wrangel. Now nothing stopped the communists from finally getting rid of their freedom-loving ally. Makhno's units were subject to disbandment, and the refuseniks were to be destroyed. The old man did not agree with this situation.

Ultimately, the chieftain was unable to repel superior forces and retreated to the border. At the end of the summer of 1921, seriously wounded, he ended up in Romania with his wife and a small detachment, from where he was interned in Poland. A little later, fate brought him to Paris.

In recent years, Nestor Ivanovich lived poorly, barely making ends meet. At the same time, he participated in the work of anarchist cells, published in the Parisian magazine Delo Truda and fought against slander against him.

Cheka officers tried to liquidate him several times, but to no avail. In 1934, at the age of 45, Father Makhno died of natural causes from bone tuberculosis. His ashes still rest in the Père Lachaise cemetery.

Nestor Makhno, anarchist and leader in memoirs and documents Andreev Alexander Radevich

Brief biography of Nestor Ivanovich Makhno

“To die or to win is what the Ukrainian peasantry faces at this historical moment. But we cannot all die, there are too many of us, we are humanity; therefore we will win. But we will win not in order to, following the example of past years, hand over our destiny to the new authorities, but then in order to take it into our own hands and build our lives with our own will, our own truth.”

Nestor Makhno

“Makhnovshchina is a petty-bourgeois revolution, undoubtedly more dangerous than Denikin, Yudenich and Kolchak combined, because we are dealing with a country where the proletariat is a minority.”

Vladimir Ulyanov-Lenin

Nestor Makhno was born on October 26, 1888 into a family of peasants Ivan Rodionovich and Evdokia Matveevna Makhno, who lived in the rich southern Ukrainian village of Gulyai Pole in the Yekaterinoslav region. The fifth son of the Makhno family (Mikhnenko) was baptized the next day in the Gulyai-Polye Church of the Exaltation of the Cross and recorded in the civil registration book under No. 207.

A half-legend, half-fable has been preserved regarding baptism - the priest’s robe suddenly caught fire and he predicted that Nestor would in the future grow into a robber whom the world had never seen. His parents registered him under 1889, which later saved his life - during the investigation and trial, his death penalty was commuted to hard labor due to his minority.

Nestor's father, who served as a groom and then as a coachman, died a year later - in September 1889. Thanks to the earnings of his older brothers, Nestor entered the Second Gulyai-Polye School, where he studied for several years - it is not known for certain how many classes he completed. Nestor did not study in any other educational institutions; he was engaged in self-education.

Since 1900, Nestor was already earning money - he sold bread baked by his mother, worked as a shepherd, in a dyeing workshop, and in 1905 he became a laborer at the Kerner iron foundry.

In September 1906, a group of anarchists, the Union of Poor Grain Growers, led by V. Anthony and the Semenyuta brothers, began to operate in Gulyai-Polye. Over the course of two years, the group committed more than 20 expropriations and several political assassinations. Nestor was a member of the group, however, according to the testimony of many researchers, he did not participate in the murders. Despite this, he was detained by the police several times, and after the murder of the police officer and the bailiff Karachentsev, who hated Makhno, the future peasant leader was arrested.

On March 22–26, 1910, the Military District Court in Yekaterinoslav tried 17 anarchists and sentenced Nestor, who did not participate in the murders, to death by hanging. Nestor, who had been awaiting execution for 50 days, was saved by the fact that he was under 21 years old - P. Stolypin personally replaced the death penalty with lifelong hard labor.

At the beginning of August 1911, Nestor Makhno was transported in a “Stolypin carriage” to Moscow, to Butyrka, where he spent almost 6 years - until March 2, 1917. Nestor rebelled, argued with the prison authorities, as a result of which he often sat in a punishment cell and was constantly shackled. It was in Butyrka that he developed tuberculosis, from which he later died. Makhno, who received the nickname “Modest,” spent all these years educating himself.

Released from prison by the February Revolution, Nestor worked with anarchists in Moscow for several weeks and at the end of March 1917 returned to Gulyai-Polye, where he got a job as a painter at the Bogatyr plant, formerly Kerner.

That same spring, Nestor Ivanovich was elected chairman of the peasant union; by August he was chairman of the Council of Workers' and Peasants' Deputies in Gulyai-Polye, commissar of the district police, chairman of the land committee, organizer of the "black guard", in which front-line soldiers - Gulyai-Poles - and in From his village, the front-line soldiers returned almost entirely as non-commissioned officers and with awards, becoming Makhno’s loyal comrades-in-arms. Then in the fall, Nestor Ivanovich destroyed land documents and organized the free distribution of land to peasants, who remembered this forever.

The October Revolution of 1917 did not immediately reach Gulyai-Polye. Makhno, under the slogan “Death to the Central Rada,” which ruled in Ukraine, together with his brother Savva created a “free battalion” and in December 1917, together with the left Socialist Revolutionaries and Bolsheviks, fought and disarmed several echelons of Cossacks going to the Don to Ataman Kaledin, an ally of the Central We're glad.

The Central Rada, pressed by the Bolsheviks, signed an agreement with Germany and Austria-Hungary - their troops occupied Ukraine. In March 1918, an Austrian detachment entered Gulyai-Polye. Nestor Ivanovich went to Taganrog, visited the Volga region, Tsaritsyn, Saratov, Astrakhan and came to Moscow, where he learned that Hetman P. Skoropadsky was in power in Ukraine.

In the summer in Moscow, Nestor Makhno met with the ideologist of anarchism - Prince P. Kropotkin, other anarchist theorists, talked and argued with prominent Bolsheviks, with V. Ulyanov-Lenin, Ya. Sverdlov, V. Zagorsky.

At the end of June 1918, N. I. Makhno returned to Ukraine and became an organizer of the fight against the occupiers and the hetman’s power. Gathering a dozen like-minded people, Makhno carried out several attacks on the landowners who supported P. Skoropadsky. After one of the raids, the Makhnovists received a machine gun, which Nestor Ivanovich placed on a britzka found there - this is how the famous cart, a symbol of the Makhnovshchina, appeared, which was later successfully used by the Bolshevik horsemen.

In September 1918, Makhno’s detachment, united with the detachment of sailor F. Shusya, defeated the Austrians in the village of Bolshaya Mikhailovka and received from the villagers the title under which it went down in history - “father”. Makhno and the Makhnovists carried out more than 100 attacks on the Austrian occupiers in a short period. The “father’s” detachment, which carried out a successful raid on the Pavlograd, Mariupol, and Berdyansk districts, was joined by local rebels - there were already several thousand Makhnovists.

In November 1918, Austrian and German troops began to leave Ukraine home - a revolution began in the Kaiser's empire. N. Makhno, after negotiations with S. Petliura, who came to power in Ukraine, which did not lead to an alliance, spoke out against the Petliuraites, and even in December managed to short time take Ekaterinoslav.

At the beginning of January 1919, a congress of rebels was held in Pologi - the Makhnovist army, which a month later increased to several tens of thousands of people, was streamlined, the detachments were merged and renamed into regiments, a central headquarters, intelligence and counterintelligence, and a rear service were created. At the same time, the Cossack ataman Krasnov united with the White Guard of A. Denikin - the armed forces of the South of Russia appeared.

On January 4, 1919, the Bolsheviks created the Ukrainian Front - the Red Army, led by sailor P. Dybenko, recaptured the Ekaterinoslav region. On January 16, negotiations between the Makhnovists and Bolsheviks took place - the first alliance was concluded against the White Guards and Petliurists. In mid-February, by order No. 18, the 1st Ukrainian Trans-Dnieper Division was created under the command of P. Dybenko. N.I. Makhno became the commander of the 3rd brigade of this division and successfully fought with the whites. Pravda and Izvestia often wrote about him, N. Makhno himself met with prominent Bolsheviks - V. A. Antonov-Ovseenko, K. E. Voroshilov, P. E. Dybenko, L. B. Kamenev, A. M Kollontai.

On March 27, 1919, N. Makhno’s brigade took the port of Mariupol, capturing 4 million pounds of coal, a large amount of ammunition and equipment. According to many historians, brigade commander N. Makhno and his regiment commander V. Kurylenko were among the first in the RSFSR to be awarded the Order of the Red Banner.

During this period, a large number of anarchists gathered in Gulyai Polye, in particular members of the Ukrainian anarchist organization “Nabat” created at the end of 1918. Makhno began publishing the newspaper “The Path to Freedom.”

Nestor Ivanovich began to have conflicts with the Bolsheviks. Despite this, Makhno did not support the anti-Soviet rebellion of Ataman N. Grigoriev, the division commander of the Red Army, who had previously taken Kherson, Nikolaev, and Odessa. By the end of May, the Red Army suppressed the uprising, but N. Grigoriev himself left.

On May 19, the cavalry of the white general A. Shkuro broke through the front at the junction between the division of N. I. Makhno; which became his brigade and the 13th division of the Red Army. Despite the fact that the Reds, fearing the independence and unpredictability of the “father”, supplied his fighters with Italian rifles, which were not suitable for domestic cartridges, the Makhnovists fought with the White Guards for two weeks, refusing to go over to their side. Leon Trotsky, who arrived at the front and did not take the White offensive seriously, continued the persecution of the Makhnovists begun by Kh. Rakovsky and ordered the arrest of Makhno, who had refused the post of division commander. All his commanders declared that they would not obey anyone else. The division ceased to exist, and the Southern Front itself collapsed under the blows of Denikin’s troops, thanks to the narrow-minded policy of the Bolsheviks.

Despite the fact that Denikin’s troops were rushing to Moscow, L. Trotsky and his “comrades-in-arms” tried to “liquidate the Makhnovshchina in the shortest possible time" Nestor Ivanovich with selected units went to Kherson, where he met with N. Grigoriev. The Reds did not come up with anything better than to deal with the remaining Makhnovists - on June 12, 1919, in K. Voroshilov’s armored train, Makhno’s chief of staff, Ya. Ozerov, and his group were arrested and all were shot without trial. In response, Moscow anarchist radicals blew up the Bolsheviks led by V. Zagorsky in Leontyevsky Lane. The Bolsheviks hated Makhno, but he was already too tough for them.

On July 27, 1919, near Kherson, the Makhnovists killed Ataman Grigoriev, and his units went over to Makhno. The newspaper "Pravda" responded to this with an article - "Makhnovshchina and Grigorievshchina", in which it wrote that N. Makhno forever left the "arena of political struggle."

On August 17 and later, the Makhnovists Kalashnikov, Dermenzhi, Budanov, and Polonsky’s “iron regiment” who remained in the Red Army went over to Nestor Ivanovich. Denikin's troops were advancing, and Makhno turned his army of fifteen thousand against them. Nestor Ivanovich said then: “Our main enemy, comrade peasants, is Denikin.” Communists are revolutionaries after all. We will be able to settle accounts with them later.”

On September 1, 1919, in the village of Dobrovelichkovka in the Kherson region, the Revolutionary Insurgent Army of Ukraine was created, consisting of 4 corps, under the command of Nestor Makhno. Three weeks later, in Zhmerinka, an agreement was concluded between S. Petlyura and N. Makhno on a joint fight against the Whites. At the end of September, near Uman, the Makhnovists broke through Denikin’s front and went to their rear. During October, N. Makhno’s army, whose strength reached 100,000 bayonets, took Aleksandrovsk, Berdyansk, Nikopol, Mariupol, Sinelnikov, Lozovaya. They took Ekaterinoslav and Gulyai Pole. Denikin's army, which reached Moscow, was forced to send its best units against the Makhnovists - generals Slashchev and Shkuro - the rear, the warehouses that supplied the army, communications - everything was paralyzed. By his actions, N.I. Makhno changed the course of the civil war - Denikin’s troops, fighting with him, did not reach Moscow.

L. Trotsky, in response to the actions of the Makhnovists, threw I. Yakir’s group at them, demanding to “eradicate partisanship.” The Reds even occupied Gulyai Polye. Thanks to this, the whites were able to reform and go to Crimea, blocking themselves off with Perekop. Nestor Ivanovich fell ill with typhus, the Reds intensified their punitive actions. However, the Makhnovist resistance was such that the Bolshevik leaders openly appealed to the residents of the Yekaterinoslav region with a call to kill N. Makhno through a terrorist act.

On January 9, 1920, N.I. Makhno was again declared outlaw by the Reds. The Bolsheviks began to rule in Ukraine, just as in Russia - the villagers again went to Makhno, reviving his troops, weakened by typhus and constant fighting. Throughout the spring and summer, the Makhnovists carried out raids across Bolshevik Ukraine. In the areas where Makhno acted, a dual power actually developed. General Wrangel, who replaced Denikin, took advantage of this.

In September 1920, Wrangel's troops launched an offensive and reached Aleksandrovsk. N. Makhno signed the last agreement with the Bolsheviks on a joint fight against Wrangel’s army. Nestor Ivanovich himself did not participate directly in the assault on Crimea due to a wound in the leg.

In October-November 1920, the Reds, with the help of 10,000 Makhnovists, defeated the Whites and took Crimea. At the end of November, the commander of the Southern Front, M.V. Frunze, began the destruction of the Makhnovists, placing barrage detachments at the exit from the Crimean Peninsula - the Makhnovist commander S. Karetnik was killed, but most of the Makhnovists broke through into the steppe. The Reds caught up with them and defeated them near the village of Timashovka.

On November 26, 1920, units of the Southern Front surrounded Gulyai Pole, but Father Makhno managed to escape and escape into the steppe. Nestor Ivanovich’s almost ten-month struggle with the Red Army began. N. Makhno and his detachment of 2,000 bayonets and 100 carts were opposed by 60,000 Red Army soldiers, armored trains, and airplanes.

In December 1920, N. Makhno’s troops reached the Azov coast. Nestor Ivanovich had an excellent command of the methods of guerrilla warfare and again managed to break into operational space.

On January 3, 1921, the Makhnovists captured the famous Red commander - head of the 14th division A. Parkhomenko with his headquarters and shot him. His peasant army grew to 10,000 people.

Nestor Ivanovich always had accurate information about the number, location, national composition, morale, mood, relationships between the Red Army units - thousands of people collaborated with his special services, which worked highly professionally. Makhno himself chose the direction of the main attack. Dad’s favorite technique was to raid enemy rear areas. “The simpler the trick, the more often it succeeds,” wrote the famous hero of the Patriotic War of 1812, Denis Davydov. This is how Makhno acted.

The Bolsheviks, unable to defeat Makhno by military means, intensified their usual terror - they began shooting peasants who did not surrender their weapons, sweeping searches, indemnities, and killing everyone who had once served with N.I. Makhno. Father and the army went beyond the Dnieper, to the right bank of Ukraine. The Makhnovists fought through the Poltava and Chernigov provinces and returned to their native places.

At the beginning of the spring of 1921, Makhnovist detachments operated in the Don, Kuban, Voronezh, Tambov, Saratov, and Kharkov provinces. Makhno’s army tried to take Kharkov, the capital of Bolshevik Ukraine, beat up the Budennovites several times, but was unable to get through to the city. At this time, the Bolsheviks abolished "war communism" and introduced the NEP - a new economic policy and scorched earth tactics, destroying or evicting all sympathizers of Nestor Ivanovich. M.V. Frunze personally spoke out against Makhno. After several bloody battles on the morning of August 28, 1921, Nestor Makhno with a hundred selected horsemen broke through the Dnieper into Romania with a fierce battle.

The Romanians interned the Makhnovists, and the father himself and his wife Galina Kuzmenko were settled in Budapest. The Bolsheviks demanded his extradition - G. Chicherin and M. Litvinov personally handled this, but were refused. In February 1922, Dmitry Medvedev, who arrived in Bendery, was sent to Romania to assassinate Nestor Ivanovich. He did not find Makhno, killed several representatives of the special services and returned back. In April 1922, N.I. Makhno with his wife and 17 comrades moved to Poland and was sent to a concentration camp.

The day after this, April 12, the Bolsheviks declared an amnesty for everyone who fought against them in Ukraine. The amnesty did not apply to only seven - P. Skoropadsky, S. Petliura, G. Tyutyunik, P. Wrangel, A. Kutepov, B. Savenkov and N. Makhno. The Bolsheviks several times demanded the father's extradition, but were invariably refused. His daughter Elena was born in Poland.

In May 1923, the prosecutor of the Warsaw District Court began a criminal case against Makhno, accusing him of preparing an uprising in Western Galicia. N. Makhno, G. Kuzmenko, I. Khmara and Y. Doroshenko were arrested and sent to Warsaw prison.

On November 27, 1923, the trial of the father began; whose speech at the trial about the essence of the Makhnovshchina as a people's liberation movement, that with his raids behind Bolshevik lines during the Russian-Polish War of 1920, he actually saved Warsaw from being captured by the Reds, made an impression - all the accused were acquitted. Nestor Ivanovich settled in Toruń.

There Nestor Ivanovich openly declared his desire to continue the armed struggle against the Bolsheviks, and at the beginning of 1924 he was exiled to Germany, where he was imprisoned in the Danzig fortress. There, prominent anarchists V. Volin, P. Arshanov and Batko created the Group of Russian Anarchists Abroad, which published the magazine “Anarchical Bulletin” and “Delo Truda”.

In 1925, N. Makhno fled from the fortress and moved to France, where he lived in the suburbs of Paris - Vincennes - for 9 years. All his brothers had died in battles by that time: Karp - with the White Cossacks, Emelyan - with the Germans, Grigory - with the Denikinites, Savva - with the Reds.

In Paris, Nestor Ivanovich and his fellow anarchists worked on the creation of the General Anarchist Union - a world organization capable of operating during the period of the new revolution that Nestor Ivanovich prophesied. The Platform of the Union was written - a discussion began among anarchists around the world that lasted until 1931.

In 1929, the first volume of Nestor Ivanovich’s memoirs, “The Russian Revolution in Ukraine,” was published in Paris. The second volume, “Under the Blows of the Counter-Revolution,” was published in 1936.

Nestor Ivanovich Makhno died in a Paris hospital on July 5, 1934 and was buried in the Pere-la-Chaise cemetery.

The memory of Makhno did not fade into history - on May 1, 1990, during a demonstration on Red Square, a column of many thousands with black anarchist banners marched - the leaders of the Soviet Union left the festive rostrum - this was no longer their country. The mysterious Father Makhno forever went down in history as one of the main characters during the revolution and civil war of 1917–1921.

In the fall of 1997, a memorial plaque dedicated to Nestor Ivanovich Makhno was unveiled in Gulyai Polye.

V. Volkovinsky

Nestor Makhno

One of the most interesting and most unique personalities in the history of Ukraine during the period of revolution and civil war is Nestor Ivanovich Makhno. A spokesman for the interests of the broad rural masses of the south of the country, he fought with almost all the authorities and regimes that existed during that difficult and harsh period.

Fighting against the troops of A. Kaledin, the Central Rada, P. Skoropadsky, S. Petliura, A. Denikin, P. Wrangel, N. Grigoriev, Austro-German troops and the Entente - either independently or on the side of Soviet power - N. Makhno made a significant contribution to the defeat of the combined forces of the external and internal revolution, and consequently to the establishment and strengthening of Bolshevik power. And at the same time, with his propaganda directed against socialist transformations and many years of bloody struggle against the Red Army, he not only caused significant harm to the world’s first power of the dictatorship of the proletariat, but also greatly helped its many enemies. To tell the truth, Nestor Makhno fought the Soviet regime like a knight, one-on-one, never once standing under other people’s banners. This legendary village ataman, whom the people lovingly called “father”, each time turned his weapon against those who at that moment created the greatest threat to the village, signed an agreement with the Soviet government three times and violated it three times, converged with the anarchist confederation “Nabat” and broke off relations with her when she changed her attitude towards the villagers.

Therefore, the illogical and mysterious actions and actions of Nestor Makhno aroused admiration and surprise among some, and irritation and hatred among others.

The bodies of the Cheka-OGPU, which closely monitored emigration and destroyed the most dangerous enemies of Soviet power, treated N. Makhno quite calmly, especially since “father” was an excellent discredit to the mortal enemy of I. Stalin - L. Trotsky, who during the civil war war, he commanded the Red Army and failed to successfully use brigade commander N. Makhno in the fight against the enemies of the dictatorship of the proletariat. In addition, his health was deteriorating all the time, and on July 5, 1934, he died in a hospital in Paris. Anarchists from all over the world came to N. Makhno’s funeral.

In March 1945, in Germany, the wife and daughter of N. Makhno - Galina Kuzmenko and Elena - were arrested by the NKVD and sentenced to 8 and 5 years in prison, respectively. After Stalin's death, they were released and until the end of their days they lived and worked in the city of Dzhambul (Kazakhstan).

Translation from Ukrainian by A. Andreev

We must pay tribute to the Makhnovists for their heroic struggle against the Hetman, Petliura, Denikin, and Wrangel units, in many ways this struggle coincided with the actions of the Red Army. It is necessary to understand and comprehend the reasons that pushed huge masses of the rural population to the anti-Soviet struggle. The Makhnovshchina is not alone here; it is unified with Kronstadt, with the Antonovshchina, with the uprisings in Western Siberia, on the Don, Kuban. All this is closely connected with the history of the Civil War and “war communism”.

The Makhnovist movement is one of the concrete manifestations of the revolution and the Civil War. Its truthful representation is possible only in the context of these large and significant phenomena. Without them, it loses its real appearance. The uncompromising struggle with the whites and alliances with the reds testified to the fact that the Makhnovist movement completely identified itself with the revolution. The last statement can also be traced to the peculiar Makhnovist ideology. It, like the ideology of insurgency in general, is quite simple and expressed in slogans. Let us recall some of the following: “For the exploited against the exploiters”, “Away with the White Guard bastard”, “For free Soviets”, “Away with the communes”, “For Soviets without communists”.

It is no coincidence that this movement was led by Nestor Makhno. Nature generously endowed this man with talents. One can guess what heights he could have achieved in military affairs if it had been possible to develop his natural abilities through systematic education; perhaps Makhno would have achieved no less success in the political field, although most of all he dreamed of the usual - his own agriculture. “Batko” never separated himself from the rural environment, and here, probably, lies the secret of his incredible popularity. For the villagers it was simple, accessible and understandable.

Makhno represented the type of people's leader born from an explosion of rural element. Impulsive, quick-witted in a peasant way, at the same time a tyrant and a slave to the elements that raised him to the crest of glory, he absorbed all the characteristic features of a rebel. His personality certainly left a strong imprint on the character of the movement. Just not so much as to portray Makhno only as a dictator. Dictatorship in the Makhnovshchina is nonsense, caused by a complete misunderstanding of the essence of the movement. The word “father” was significant, but not the only one and not always decisive.

In the history of the Civil War, there is hardly any other figure other than Makhno around whom so many myths and legends would arise.

Published according to edition:

V. F. Verstyuk “Makhnovshchina”, K, 1991

Translation from Ukrainian by A. Andreev.

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Makhno himself considered himself a military commander, and not a leader of the population of the occupied territory.

The revolution of 1905 captivated the young worker, he joined the Social Democrats, and in 1906 he joined the group of “free grain growers” - anarchist-communists, participated in raids and propaganda of the principles of anarchy. In July-August 1908, the group was discovered, Makhno was arrested and in 1910, together with his accomplices, was sentenced to death by a military court. However, many years before this, Makhno’s parents changed his date of birth by a year, and he was considered a minor. In this regard, the execution was replaced by indefinite hard labor.
In 1911, Makhno ended up in Moscow Butyrki. Here he studied self-education and met Pyotr Arshinov, who was more “savvy” in anarchist teaching, who would later become one of the ideologists of the Makhnovist movement. In prison, Makhno fell ill with tuberculosis and had his lung removed.

These events took Makhno by surprise. He was forced to retreat to Russia. At the end of April 1918, at a meeting of Gulyai-Polye anarchists in Taganrog, it was decided to return to the area in a few months. In April-June 1918, Makhno traveled around Russia, visiting Rostov-on-Don, Saratov, Tsaritsyn, Astrakhan and Moscow. Revolutionary Russia evokes complex feelings in him. On the one hand, he saw the Bolsheviks as allies in the revolutionary struggle. On the other hand, they very cruelly crushed the revolution “under themselves”, creating a new one, their own power, and not the power of the Soviets.
In June 1918, Makhno met with anarchist leaders, including P.A. Kropotkin, was among the visitors of V.I. Lenin and Ya.M. Sverdlova. In a conversation with Lenin, Makhno, on behalf of the peasantry, outlined to him his vision of the principles of Soviet power as self-government, and argued that anarchists in the Ukrainian countryside were more influential than communists. Lenin made a strong impression on Makhno, the Bolsheviks helped the anarchist leader cross to occupied Ukraine.

The collapse of the occupation regime after the November Revolution in Germany caused a surge in the insurgency and the collapse of the regime of Hetman Skoropadsky. As the Austro-German troops evacuated, detachments coordinated by Makhno's headquarters began to take control of the area around Gulyai-Polye. On November 27, 1918, Makhno’s forces occupied Gulyai-Polye and never left it. The rebels drove the occupiers out of their area, destroyed the resisting farmsteads and estates, and established ties with local governments. Makhno fought against unauthorized extortions and robberies. Local rebels were subordinate to the main headquarters of the rebel troops “named after Old Man Makhno.” In the south of the region there were clashes with the troops of Ataman Krasnov and the Volunteer Army.
In mid-December, fighting began between the Makhnovists and UPR supporters. Makhno entered into an agreement on joint actions with the Ekaterinoslav Bolsheviks and was appointed gubernatorial committee and Commander-in-Chief of the Soviet Revolutionary Workers' and Peasants' Army of the Ekaterinoslav region. On December 27-31, 1918, Makhno, in alliance with a detachment of Bolsheviks, recaptured Ekaterinoslav from the Petliurists. But the Petliurists launched a counterattack and recaptured the city. Makhno and the communists blamed each other for the defeat. Having lost half of his detachment, Makhno returned to the left bank of the Dnieper.

Makhno considered himself a military commander, and not a leader of the population of the occupied territory. The principles of organizing political power were determined by the congresses of front-line soldiers and Soviets. The First Congress took place on January 23, 1919, without Makhno’s participation, and began preparations for the more representative Second Congress.
In January 1919, units of the Volunteer Army launched an offensive on Gulyai-Polye. The Makhnovists suffered from a shortage of ammunition and weapons, which forced them to enter into an alliance with the Bolsheviks on January 26, 1919. On February 19, Makhnovist troops entered the 1st Trans-Dnieper Division of the Red Army under the command of P.E. Dybenko as the 3rd brigade under the command of Makhno.

With the Order of the Red Banner for No. 4 (perhaps this is a legend, no one can say for sure, it is not in the award lists, although this does not mean anything).

Subsequently, Makhno called his views anarcho-communism of the “Bakunin-Kropotkin sense.”

Speaking on February 14, 1919 at the II Gulyai-Polye district congress of front-line soldiers, Soviets and sub-departments, Makhno said: “I call on you to unity, because unity is the guarantee of the victory of the revolution over those who sought to strangle it. If comrade Bolsheviks come from Great Russia to Ukraine to help us in the difficult struggle against counter-revolution, we must say to them: “Welcome, dear friends!” But if they come here with the goal of monopolizing Ukraine, we will tell them: “Hands off!” We ourselves know how to raise the liberation of the working peasantry to a height, we ourselves will be able to arrange a new life for ourselves - where there will be no lords, slaves, oppressed and oppressors.”

April 15, 1919 member of the RVS of the Southern Front G.Ya. Sokolnikov, with the consent of some members of the RVS of the Ukrfront, brought before the Chairman of the RVS of the Republic L.D. Trotsky questioned the removal of Makhno from command.
On April 25, the Kharkov Izvestia published an article “Down with Makhnovshchina,” which said: “The insurgent movement of the peasantry accidentally fell under the leadership of Makhno and his “Military Revolutionary Headquarters,” in which both the reckless anarchists and the White-Left Socialist Revolutionaries found refuge. and other remnants of “former” revolutionary parties that disintegrated. Having fallen under the leadership of such elements, the movement significantly lost strength; the successes associated with its rise could not be consolidated by the anarchic nature of its actions... The outrages that are happening in Makhno’s “kingdom” must be put to an end.” This article outraged Makhno and raised fears that it was a prelude to an attack by the Bolsheviks. On April 29, he ordered the detention of some of the commissars, deciding that the Bolsheviks were preparing an attack on the Makhnovists: “Let the Bolsheviks sit with us, just as our Cheka sits in the Cheka’s dungeons.”

But, having made some concessions, the old man put forward a new, fundamentally important idea that could try on two strategies of the revolution: “Before a decisive victory over the whites, a revolutionary front must be established, and he (Makhno. - A.Sh.) strives to prevent civil strife between the various elements of this revolutionary front."

Ataman N.A. provided a new reason for increasing mutual distrust. Grigoriev, who started a rebellion on the right bank of Ukraine on May 6. On May 12, under the chairmanship of Makhno, a “military congress” convened, that is, a meeting of the command staff, representatives of units and the political leadership of the Makhnovist movement. Makhno and the congress condemned N.A.’s speech. Grigoriev, but also expressed criticism towards the Bolsheviks, who provoked the uprising with their policies. The “Military Congress” proclaimed the reorganization of the 3rd Brigade into the 1st Insurgent Division under the command of Makhno.
The reason for a new aggravation of relations with the communists was the deployment of the 3rd brigade to the division. The paradoxical situation, when the brigade made up the majority of the army, interfered with the appropriate supply, and the interaction of the command with the huge “brigade”, and the management of its units. The Soviet command first agreed to the reorganization, and then refused to create a division under the command of an obstinate opposition commander. On May 22, Trotsky, who arrived in Ukraine, called such plans “preparation of a new Grigorievshchina.” On May 25, at a meeting of the Council of Workers' and Peasants' Defense of Ukraine, chaired by Kh. Rakovsky, the issue of “Makhnovshchina and its liquidation” was discussed. It was decided to “liquidate Makhno” with the help of the regiment.

On May 31, the VRS announced the convening of the IV Congress of District Councils. The center regarded the decision to convene a new “unauthorized” congress as preparation for an anti-Soviet uprising. On June 3, the commander of the Southern Front, V. Gittis, gave the order to begin the liquidation of the Makhnovshchina and the arrest of Makhno.
On June 6, Makhno sent a telegram to V.I. Lenin, L.D. Trotsky, L.B. Kamenev and K.E. Voroshilov, in which he offered to “send a good military leader who, having familiarized himself with the matter on the spot with me, could take command of the division from me.”

On June 9, Makhno sent a telegram to V.I. Lenin, L.D. Kamenev, G.E. Zinoviev, L.D. Trotsky, K.E. Voroshilov, in which he summed up his relationship with the communist regime: “The hostile and recently offensive behavior of the central government towards insurrection that I have noted leads with fatal inevitability to the creation of a special internal front, on both sides of which there will be a working mass who believes in the revolution. I consider this the greatest, never forgivable crime against the working people and I consider myself obligated to do everything possible to prevent this crime... I consider my resignation from my post to be the surest means of preventing the crime impending on the part of the authorities.”
Meanwhile, the Whites invaded the Gulyai-Polye area. For some time, with a small detachment, Makhno still fought side by side with the red units, but on June 15, with a small detachment, he left the front. Its units continued to fight in the ranks of the Red Army. On the night of June 16, seven members of the Makhnovist headquarters were shot by the verdict of the Donbass revolutionary tribunal. The chief of staff of Ozerov continued to fight with the whites, but on August 2, according to the verdict of the VUCHK, he was shot. Makhno gave money to groups of anarchists who went out to prepare terrorist attacks against the Whites (M.G. Nikiforova and others) and the Bolsheviks (K. Kovalevich and others). On June 21, 1919, Makhno’s detachment crossed to the right bank of the Dnieper.

In July, Makhno married Galina Kuzmenko, who became his fighting friend for many years.

Under pressure from Denikin, the Red Army was forced to retreat from Ukraine. The former Makhnovists, who found themselves under the command of the Bolsheviks in June, did not want to go to Russia.

Most of the Makhnovist units operating as part of the Red Army, as well as part of the 58th Red Division, went over to Makhno’s side. On September 1, 1919, at a meeting of army command staff in the village. The “Revolutionary Insurgent Army of Ukraine (Makhnovists)” was proclaimed in Dobrovelichkovka, a new Revolutionary Military Council and army headquarters headed by Army Commander Makhno were elected.
The superior forces of the Whites pushed the Makhnovists back near Uman. Here the Makhnovists entered into an “alliance” with the Petliurists, to whom they handed over their convoy with the wounded.

In July-August 1919, the White Army advanced across the vastness of Russia and Ukraine towards Moscow and Kyiv. The officers peered into the horizon. A few more victorious battles, and Moscow will greet its liberators with the ringing of bells. On the flank of Denikin’s campaign against Moscow, it was necessary to solve a “simple” task - to finish off the remnants of the Southern Group of Reds, Makhno’s gang and, if possible, the Ukrainian nationalist Petlyura, who was getting under the feet of Russian statehood. After the Whites drove the Reds out of Yekaterinoslav with a dashing raid and thereby overcame the Dnieper barrier, the cleansing of Ukraine seemed a done deal. But when the Whites entered the area where Makhno had gathered his forces in early September, difficulties arose. On September 6, the Makhnovists launched a counterattack near Pomoschnaya. They moved from all sides, and the discordant crowd just before the attack turned into a dense formation. The Whites fought back, but it turned out that Makhno at that time bypassed their positions and captured a convoy with ammunition. They were what the “father” needed.

The Makhnovist army, loaded onto carts, moved deep into the rear of Denikin. Looking at this breakthrough, one of the surviving officers sadly said: “At that moment, great Russia lost the war.” He was not so far from the truth. Denikin’s rear was disorganized, and a Makhnovia hole formed in the center of the white “Dobrovoliya”. And then the news came - the same force struck the Bolsheviks almost at the very heart of their regime - on September 25, the Moscow City Committee of the Communist Party took off. The anarchists took revenge on the communists for Makhno’s comrades shot by the revolutionary tribunal. This was the third force of the Civil War, obeying its own will and its own logic.
Makhno's army burst into operational space behind Denikin's rear. Makhno, commanding the central column of rebels, occupied Aleksandrovsk and Gulyai-Polye in early October. In the area of Gulyai-Polye, Aleksandrovsk and Yekaterinoslav, a vast rebel zone arose, which absorbed part of the white forces during Denikin’s attack on Moscow.

In November 1919, counterintelligence arrested a group of communists led by regimental commander M. Polonsky on charges of preparing a conspiracy and poisoning of Makhno. On December 2, 1919, the accused were shot. In December 1919, the Makhnovist army was disorganized by a typhus epidemic, then Makhno also fell ill.

Having retreated from Yekaterinoslav under the onslaught of the Whites, Makhno with the main forces of the army retreated to Aleksandrovsk. On January 5, 1920, units of the 45th division of the Red Army arrived here. At negotiations with representatives of the red command, Makhno and representatives of his headquarters demanded that they be allocated a section of the front to fight the whites and retain control over their area. Makhno and his staff insisted on concluding a formal agreement with the Soviet leadership. January 6, 1920 Commander of the 14th I.P. Uborevich ordered Makhno to advance to the Polish front. Without waiting for an answer, the All-Ukrainian Revolutionary Committee on January 9, 1920 declared Makhno outlawed under the pretext of his failure to comply with the order to go to the Polish front. The Reds attacked Makhno's headquarters in Aleksandrovsk, but he managed to escape to Gulyai-Polye on January 10, 1920.
At a meeting of command staff in Gulyai-Polye on January 11, 1920, it was decided to grant the rebels a month's leave. Makhno declared his readiness to “go hand in hand” with the Red Army while maintaining independence. At this time, more than two Red divisions attacked, disarmed and partially shot the Makhnovists, including the sick. Makhno's brother Grigory was captured and shot, and in February, another brother Savva, who was involved in supply in the Makhnovist army, was captured. Makhno went into hiding during his illness.

After Makhno's recovery in February 1920, the Makhnovists resumed hostilities against the Reds. In winter and spring, a grueling guerrilla war unfolded; the Makhnovists attacked small detachments, workers of the Bolshevik apparatus, warehouses, distributing grain supplies to the peasants. In the area of Makhno's actions, the Bolsheviks were forced to go underground, and spoke openly only when accompanied by large military units. In May 1920, the Council of Revolutionary Insurgents of Ukraine (Makhnovists) was created, headed by Makhno, which included Chief of Staff V.F. Belash, commanders Kalashnikov, Kurylenko and Karetnikov. The name SRPU emphasized that we are not talking about the RVS, usual for a civil war, but about a “nomadic” government body of the Makhnovist republic.

Wrangel’s attempts to establish an alliance with Makhno ended in the execution of the White emissary by decision of the SRPU and the Makhnovist headquarters on July 9, 1920.
In March-May 1920, detachments under the command of Makhno fought with units of the 1st Cavalry Army, VOKhR and other forces of the Red Army. In the summer of 1920, the army under the overall command of Makhno numbered more than 10 thousand soldiers. On July 11, 1920, Makhno’s army began a raid outside its region, during which it took the cities of Izyum, Zenkov, Mirgorod, Starobelsk, Millerovo. On August 29, 1920, Makhno was seriously wounded in the leg (in total, Makhno had more than 10 wounds).

After the victory over the Whites on November 26, 1920, the Reds suddenly attacked the Makhnovists. Having taken command of the army, Makhno managed to escape from the blow dealt to his forces in Gulyai-Polye. Southern Front of the Red Army under the command of M.V. Frunze, relying on his multiple superiority in forces, managed to encircle Makhno in Andreevka near the Sea of Azov, but on December 14-18, Makhno broke into operational space. However, he had to go to the Right Bank of the Dnieper, where the Makhnovists did not have sufficient support from the population. During heavy fighting in January-February 1921, the Makhnovists broke through to their native places. On March 13, 1921, Makhno was again seriously wounded in the leg.

Makhno with a small detachment broke through all of Ukraine to the Romanian border and on August 28, 1921 crossed the Dniester into Bessarabia.

Wrangel tanks.

Once in Romania, the Makhnovists were disarmed by the authorities, in 1922 they moved to Poland and were placed in an internment camp. On April 12, 1922, the All-Russian Central Executive Committee announced a political amnesty, which did not apply to 7 “hardened criminals,” including Makhno. The Soviet authorities demanded the extradition of Makhno as a “bandit.” In 1923, Makhno, his wife and two associates were arrested and accused of preparing an uprising in Eastern Galicia. On October 30, 1923, a daughter, Elena, was born to Makhno and Kuzmenko in a Warsaw prison. Makhno and his comrades were acquitted by the court. In 1924, Makhno moved to Danzig, where he was again arrested in connection with the killings of Germans during the civil war. Having fled from Danzig to Berlin, Makhno arrived in Paris in April 1925 and from 1926 settled in the suburb of Vincennes. Here Makhno worked as a turner, carpenter, painter and shoemaker. Participated in public discussions about the Makhnovist movement and anarchism.

In 1923-1933. Makhno published articles and brochures devoted to the history of the Makhnovist movement, the theory and practice of anarchism and the labor movement, and criticism of the communist regime. In November 1925, Makhno wrote about anarchism: “the absence of his own organization capable of opposing its living forces to the enemies of the Revolution made him a helpless organizer.” Therefore, it is necessary to create a “Union of Anarchists, built on the principle of common discipline and common leadership of all anarchist forces.”
In June 1926, Arshinov and Makhno put forward a draft “Organizational Platform of the General Union of Anarchists,” which proposed to unite the anarchists of the world on the basis of discipline, combining anarchist principles of self-government with institutions where “leading positions in the economic and social life of the country” are preserved. Supporters of the "Platform" held a conference in March 1927, which began to create the International Anarcho-Communist Federation. Makhno entered the secretariat to convene its congress. But soon leading anarchist theorists criticized the Platform project as too authoritarian and contrary to the principles of the anarchist movement. Desperate to reach an agreement with the anarchists, in 1931 Arshinov switched to the position of Bolshevism, and the idea of “platformism” failed. Makhno did not forgive his old comrade for this renegade.
Makhno’s original political testament was his 1931 letter to the Spanish anarchists J. Carbo and A. Pestaña, in which he warned them against an alliance with the communists during the revolution that had begun in Spain. Makhno warns his Spanish comrades: “Having experienced relative freedom, the anarchists, like ordinary people, became carried away by free speech.”

Makhno with his daughter.

Since 1929, Makhno’s tuberculosis worsened; he took part in public activities less and less, but continued to work on his memoirs. The first volume was published in 1929, the other two were published posthumously. There he outlined his views on the future anarchist system: “I thought of such a system only in the form of a free Soviet system, in which the entire country is covered by local, completely free and independent social self-government of workers.”

At the beginning of 1934, Makhno’s tuberculosis worsened and he was admitted to the hospital. He died in July.