The reproach against Boris Yeltsin turned out to be a prophecy that no one heard.
Member of the Politburo of the CPSU Central Committee Yegor Ligachev. 1990

Back in '83...

The era of perestroika in the Soviet Union left in the people's memory much more bitter than rosy memories. The time of great hopes ended with the collapse of the country, which left a negative imprint on the perception of this historical period.
But the phrase “Boris, you’re wrong!”, which has become a catchphrase, is remembered with a smile even by those who, due to their age, remember little about that era. However, the question of what Boris was actually wrong about, who caught him wrong and how the phrase became part of folklore hangs in the air.
Perhaps it’s worth starting from afar, from 1983, when the new leader of the USSR Yuri Andropov, updating management personnel, brought the 63-year-old first secretary of the Tomsk Regional Committee of the CPSU Yegor Ligachev to work in Moscow.
For the realities of the first half of the 1980s, 63-year-old Ligachev, who, moreover, did not suffer from serious illnesses and had proven himself excellent in his previous position, was quite a young and promising politician. In Moscow, Ligachev took the post of head of the department of the CPSU Central Committee, and later became secretary of the CPSU Central Committee.
Lev Zaikov, Egor Ligachev and Mikhail Gorbachev. 1988

Protégé of Comrade Ligachev

Ligachev enjoyed the trust of Andropov, who entrusted him with further activities for the selection of new personnel. In particular, Andropov advised taking a closer look at the 52-year-old First Secretary of the Sverdlovsk Regional Committee of the CPSU, Boris Yeltsin.
Ligachev went to Sverdlovsk and was extremely pleased with what he saw, believing that Yeltsin was exactly the person the country needed in an era of change.
True, Yeltsin’s nomination to work in Moscow took place only two years later - after Andropov’s death, the reform process that had begun stalled and resumed only in 1985, when Mikhail Gorbachev took over as leader of the USSR.
Thus, on the recommendation of Yegor Ligachev, Sverdlovsk resident Boris Yeltsin found himself in big Soviet politics.
In December 1985, Yeltsin was given the highest confidence - he was nominated for the post of first secretary of the Moscow City Party Committee, which made the politician one of the most influential people in the country.
Soon, rumors spread throughout Moscow about the unusual democratic nature of the new leader of the capital: he allegedly personally got acquainted with the assortment of grocery stores, was treated in a regular clinic, and even went to work by tram.

Party disgrace and people's love

Yeltsin's popularity began to grow by leaps and bounds, even exceeding the popularity of Mikhail Gorbachev. Either this turned the politician’s head, or personal ambitions awoke, but soon Yeltsin began to violently conflict with his party comrades.
On October 21, 1987, at the Plenum of the CPSU Central Committee, Yeltsin sharply spoke out against the slow pace of perestroika, criticized his colleagues, including Ligachev, and even got to Gorbachev, declaring that a “cult of personality” was beginning to form around the Secretary General.

The tone of Yeltsin’s speech did not even fit into the framework of the “perestroika” announced in the country. Party comrades, including those who sympathized with Yeltsin, declared his demarche “politically erroneous,” after which he fell into disgrace and was removed from his post as first secretary of the Moscow city party committee.
In the traditions of the CPSU, it was not customary to wash dirty linen in public, therefore the text of Yeltsin’s speech was not published anywhere. But dozens of versions of this speech appeared in samizdat, which had nothing to do with reality. In some of them, Yeltsin almost cursed at Gorbachev and looked more like a longshoreman than a politician.
It was with this legendary speech that Yeltsin’s fame as an oppositionist began. It was then that Soviet citizens, who began to become disillusioned with Gorbachev, began to perceive Yeltsin as an alternative to Mikhail Sergeevich. Mikhail Gorbachev and Boris Yeltsin during the evening meeting of the extraordinary session of the RSFSR Supreme Council

Prophet in the ranks of the CPSU

The times of perestroika in terms of internal party struggle were not as tough as previous eras, therefore the disgraced Yeltsin, having lost the post of “master of Moscow,” remained in the elite as the first deputy chairman of the USSR State Construction Committee.
Yeltsin, who was having a hard time being removed from office, nevertheless, by the summer of 1988, realized that his current position as a “rebel” had many advantages, and began to develop the role of an “oppositionist.”
On July 1, 1988, Yeltsin spoke at the 19th Party Conference. He attacked the privileges of senior government leaders, criticized the “stagnation” for which, in his opinion, the entire Politburo as a “collective body” was to blame, called for Ligachev to be removed from the Politburo, and ultimately appealed to the delegates to rehabilitate him for his speech at the Plenum.
In the midst of Yeltsin’s speech, Ligachev intervened. The politician who once nominated the Sverdlovsk resident remarked:
- You, Boris, are wrong. We disagree with you not only on tactics. Boris, you have enormous energy, but this energy is not creative, but destructive! You put your region on coupons...
Yeltsin ignored the remark and continued his speech.

The phrase most likely would not have become a catchphrase if humorist Gennady Khazanov had not soon used it in one of his monologues “on the topic of the day.” In the thoroughly politicized USSR of the late 1980s, a joke related to the battle between the “people's hero” Yeltsin and the party nomenklatura immediately became extremely popular.
From that moment on, it was adopted by Yeltsin’s supporters, who took to the streets with posters “Boris, you’re right!” and even “Rule, Boris!”
The last wish soon came true. And the longer Boris ruled, the more prophetic Ligachev’s words seemed: “Boris, you have enormous energy, but this energy is not creative, but destructive!”...
But there was no sense in this prophecy anymore. Yeltsin's destructive energy did its job.
And the only good thing left for people to remember from that era is a catchphrase...

http://back-in-ussr.com/2016/07/boris-ty-ne-prav-istoriya-kr...

P.S.. I tried to publish these most interesting and instructive reflections of the Patriarch of the Communist Party Yegor Ligachev from “Soviet Russia” on the 25th anniversary of the beginning of perestroika on the portal’s news feed. I was advised to post them on my blog.
I think it would be useful for all of us to go back to that time again. Time to hope for the best. The time when perestroika had not yet turned into a shootout (I give the article with some abbreviations).

Perestroika, which began exactly 25 years ago with the April Plenum of 1985, was necessary. He reflects on why perestroika was needed, whether it had a program, why it failed, and what lessons should be learned from this. member of the Politburo of the CPSU Central Committee of those years E.K. Ligachev.

Socialist restructuring was necessary, possible, feasible. The country approached the 80s with powerful economic and cultural potential, enormous influence on the course of world development. It was a time of creation that had nothing in common with the “era of stagnation,” as our opponents slandered that period. At the same time, difficulties were growing in the country, the gap between the USSR and developed Western countries in the field of labor productivity and the efficiency of production of civilian products was widening, socialist democracy lagged behind in its development, the effective demand of the population for high-quality consumer goods was not ensured, questions accumulated in relations between the center and union republics.

In my speech in the Kremlin in 1986, I said the following: “This is not about changing the essence of our social system. On the contrary, this process is aimed at strengthening and developing the fundamental socialist principles in order to reliably ensure a new sustainable rise in the economy and the well-being of the people.” So, perestroika was conceived as a socialist renewal, without any dismantling of socialism.

For the newly-minted “democrats” who had not created anything significant in life, perestroika meant the destruction of the Soviet system and its replacement with capitalism. M.S. Gorbachev, apparently in order to justify the betrayal of socialism and the suffering caused to the people, put forward at the end of perestroika the idea of ​​​​the unreformability of the Soviet social system and the impossibility of its improvement. These are two directly opposite positions.

The comrades who say that perestroika had neither goals nor a program are wrong. The goal of perestroika was to create a highly efficient economy, further improve the material life of people, and expand the real participation of workers in government. To achieve these goals, main directions were identified, programs were developed, and material and financial resources were allocated. The main economic element of the perestroika program was defined as “modernization and accelerated growth of the machine-building complex” and on this basis, subsequent reconstruction of the national economy and social reorientation of the economy with the widespread use of the achievements of developing science.

In the twelfth five-year plan (1986–1990), 200 billion rubles were allocated for the modernization program of the mechanical engineering complex, and primarily machine tool building and electronics, twice as much as in the previous ten years. In order to satisfy the growing effective demand of the population, 70 billion rubles were allocated for the creation of a modern light and food industry, that is, more than for the entire forty-year post-war period.
The five-year plan provided for the conversion of the defense industry to the production of civilian products. These plans were successfully implemented in the first period of the five-year plan.

Perestroika is often portrayed as a complete failure from start to finish. This is not true, not true at all. The restructuring of the national economy, as the central link of the entire policy of socialist renewal of society, went through two stages.

At the first stage of perestroika (1985–1988), when transformations took place within the framework of socialism, the growth of negative trends in the economy and society as a whole was stopped, and a new rise in the national economy based on scientific and technological progress was begun. The labor and social activity of citizens and support for the decisions of the party and the Soviets have increased.
The growth rate of industrial production increased by 5% compared to 3% in the Eleventh Five-Year Plan, in agriculture - 3% and 1%, respectively. In the twelfth five-year plan, the highest grain harvest in the entire history of agriculture was obtained; the average annual production of grain was 27 million tons more than in the previous five-year plan, and milk - by 10 million tons.

During the twelfth five-year plan, more housing was built than during any other five-year plan, the increase compared to the eleventh five-year plan (1981–1985) was almost 20%, and schools, kindergartens, hospitals, clubs - 15–51%. With a general increase in industrial production in 1988 of 13%, the volume of mechanical engineering - the main link in the party's economic strategy - increased by 19%. The country's population increased annually by 2 million people; after the collapse of Soviet power, the population of Russia alone began to decline by 700 thousand people annually.
Subsequently, creation was replaced by destructive processes.

Second stage of perestroika(1988–1991) - disorganization of the economy, the consumer market, rising prices, worsening shortages of goods, strikes, national conflicts, defeat of the Communist Party. Perestroika ended in 1991 with a counter-revolutionary coup d'etat and the destruction of the Soviet Union. After 1991, this is a different period of history - the restoration of capitalism.

What are the causes of a social catastrophe unprecedented in history??
There is no clear opinion here either. Some believe that this is mainly the action of external forces - imperialism, others - internal factors. There are voices that supposedly there was no socialism in Russia, and the role of Gorbachev and Yeltsin is assessed “as a historical feat in the elimination of totalitarianism.” Meanwhile, violations of socialist legality were exposed and eliminated by the party itself, the communists.
The reason for the destruction of the Soviet Union, the Communist Party, the liquidation of Soviet power is a betrayal of the leadership group of persons- careerists, nationalists, their political degeneration, thirst for personal enrichment through the robbery of people's property and undivided control of the state. The Communist Party and the Soviet government did not allow either one or the other. They all became dollar millionaires and billionaires.

Another factor in the destruction of the country is a sharp weakening of planned management of the national economy, the introduction of market relations without preparation - first in the form of free, negotiated prices, and then the denationalization of property (transferring it into private ownership), the creation of so-called cooperatives. All this, taken together, led to a violation of the proportions of production and consumption, a significant excess of the growth rate of wages over the growth rate of labor productivity, and the money supply over the commodity supply. In turn, this resulted in a sharp increase in the shortage of goods for the population, disruption of the socio-economic complex, and discontent among the population
The rate of wage growth was 2 times faster than the rate of increase in labor productivity, cash income increased over the five-year period by 60%, and the production of consumer goods by 19%, which led to the emptying of stores.
The sale of a significant part of the products produced at free, negotiated prices between producers and consumers, due to the developed monopoly in the production of certain products (with planned economic management, this is not dangerous), led to unprecedentedly high prices and an increase in the amount of profit. Moreover, the profit, as a rule, was spent not on the development of production, not on its technical re-equipment, but on distribution.

Great damage to the economy and morality was caused by distortions of Lenin’s idea about the role of cooperation in the construction of socialism. In organized cooperatives, according to the adopted resolution, the owners of private property were hidden behind the collective shell, and the rest were hired workers. They became a refuge for shadow capital, and a group of big bourgeois and oligarchs emerged from here. Instead of using cooperatives to organize small commodity producers, they began to create them on the basis of leasing or purchasing the property of state enterprises. Moreover, the products were mainly sold not to the population, but to state-owned enterprises at high prices.

Denationalization and the establishment of private property were necessary for those who worked to destroy the Soviet system. After the coup d'etat, Yeltsin-style privatization led to the decline of the economy and the loss of public property - the economic basis of Soviet power.

And yet this is not all when it comes to the origins of the dismemberment of the Soviet Union. The main reason for the destruction of the Soviet country is the undermining of the ideological and organizational foundations of the CPSU, the formation of groups and platforms in it and the elimination of its leadership role. Things got to the point that at the XXVIII Congress of the CPSU (1990), the adopted new Party Charter stated “the right of communists to unite according to platforms during discussions.” Meanwhile, Lenin’s resolution “On Party Unity” prescribed the exclusion of factionalists from the party and the immediate dissolution of any factions or platforms.

The faction “Democratic Platform”, “Marxist Platform”, and left-of-center groups arose in the CPSU. The “Democratic Platform,” for example, put forward a demand to organize its structures at all levels, stop paying membership fees to the CPSU, and divide the party’s property.
The CPSU began to be removed from economic policy. There was an instruction not to interfere in the elections of people's deputies of the USSR, and to reduce personnel issues to a minimum. If earlier there were about 15 thousand positions under the control of the Central Committee, then after the 28th Congress there were approximately 2 thousand. Thus, the party was deprived of the most powerful lever of politics - the selection of the main leadership cadres of the country. The party's statutory body, the Secretariat of the CPSU Central Committee, where the healthy forces of the Central Committee began to concentrate, ceased to function, and the composition of the Politburo completely changed. The author of these lines was already a year and a half before the liquidation of the USSR, neither in the Central Committee, nor in the Politburo, nor in the Supreme Soviet of the USSR. A massive outflow of people from the party began. In 1990, 1.8 million people left the party, and a fifth of the workshop party organizations ceased work.
There was literally a persecution, a hunt for communists who were actively advocating perestroika on a socialist basis, against democrats and political careerists. Procurator workers Gdlyan and Ivanov sowed suspicions of bribery among members of the Politburo, including in relation to E.K. Ligachev. I had to send a letter to the USSR Prosecutor's Office, the Congress of People's Deputies of the USSR, the Supreme Soviet of the USSR, and the CPSU Central Committee with a request to consider the accusations against me and publish the results of the investigation in the press. All of the above-mentioned bodies carried out an inspection and discussion in the most thorough manner, openly and publicly. They recognized that this was a “malicious invention”, and those who carried out Yeltsin’s order were fired.

The question is whether organized resistance was offered to hostile forces. Unfortunately, the resistance was belated...

What lessons should be learned from the temporary defeat of socialism in our country??
The main lesson is to protect the cohesion and unity of the party ranks, not to lose vigilance, to ideologically and organizationally strengthen the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, the Union of Communist Parties, as well as the communist parties that are part of it. When developing internal party democracy, under no circumstances should we allow political careerism, any factions, or platforms in the communist parties. The enemy is counting on traitors within the party.

Modernization is improvement, improvement. Modernization of capitalist society is a programmatic requirement of social democracy, the main thing for which is the desire to preserve and “improve” capitalism, ridding it of extreme abominations, without changing the fundamentals. Socialist modernization - changes, improvement of society in the process of building socialism, like the NEP, GOERLO, five-year plans for industrialization, collectivization, and the cultural revolution.
Modernization, announced by the President of Russia, means the preservation and strengthening of capitalism, that is, moving backwards, backwards. G.A. Zyuganov’s statement “The name of modernization is socialism” fully corresponds to V.I. Lenin’s testament that “you cannot move forward without going towards socialism.”

In 1957, the then secretary of the Novosibirsk regional party committee, Yegor Kuzmich Ligachev, visited China. Met with Mao Zedong, his future successor Liu Shaoqi, as well as Zhou Enlai. A year later, the “Great Leap Forward” began in China - a political and economic program of sharp rise and modernization, and then the “Cultural Revolution”.

Many years have passed, and Yegor Kuzmich is still reluctant to remember that trip and resolutely does not admit what he talked about with the Chinese leaders, as if hinting: “Yes, yes, anything can happen.” Publicly, Yegor Kuzmich stated: “I was performing a special task. It’s too early to say which one.”
Let's wait some more, then.

Vive La Siberia!

After the dismissal of Khrushchev, Ligachev, who held the position of deputy in the CPSU Central Committee. head of the department of propaganda and agitation for the RSFSR, wrote a letter to the new Secretary General Leonid Brezhnev. In the letter, Ligachev outlined a request to send him to work in... Siberia. Both in those years and now, the nomenklatura is trying to move from the provinces to the capitals, but why not back!

It took a month to formulate the answer. As a result, Brezhnev allowed Ligachev to work as the first secretary of the Tomsk regional committee of the CPSU. When, years later, the Politburo decided to send Yegor Kuzmich as ambassador to a capitalist country, he again turned to the Secretary General with the same request: “Leave him in Siberia.”
Under Ligachev, who ruled the Tomsk region for more than 17 years, the West Siberian oil and gas complex was built - one of the backbones of the current Russian economic model.

Cooperative "Pechora"

The loud fight against corrupt members of cooperatives was not invented in our days. In a sense, Yegor Kuzmich was at the origins of such campaigns at the dawn of the revival of Russian capitalism.

The fact is that at the beginning of Perestroika there were two groups in the CPSU Central Committee: liberal and orthodox. The former advocated for new business models, the latter for strengthening and improving old party methods of management. Meanwhile, the cooperative movement was growing in the country.
In 1987, the head of the Pechora mining artel, Vadim Tumanov (the hero of Vladimir Vysotsky’s songs), was unexpectedly accused of some kind of murder scam. Searches and interrogations begin. "Pechora" was one of the flagships of the domestic cooperative movement. Behind the organization of the show trial against Tumanov was, among other people, Yegor Ligachev. The charges against Tumanov were eventually dropped, but Pechora was still dissolved “for violating clause 9 of the standard charter of the miners’ artel.”

"Prohibition"

“If vodka is eight, / We still won’t stop drinking. / Together we will say to Ilyich: / “We can handle ten.” / Well, if it’s twenty-five, / We’ll take Winter again,” - in a country where people compose such couplets, any politician trying to lobby for a tough anti-alcohol campaign is doomed to unpopularity. Yegor Ligachev was the main ideologist and organizer of the fight against drunkenness, but he did not remain the final villain in people’s memory, although this was the sixth and most severe anti-alcohol campaign in the history of Russia in the 20th century.
As a result of the “Prohibition Law”, the USSR budget annually lost 10-12% of tax revenues, the Soviet people learned the taste of “Cucumber” lotion and “Triple” cologne, Gorbachev got the nickname “Mineral Secretary”, and Yegor Kuzmich himself immortalized the rubber glove - it was worn onto a three-liter jar in which the yeast was fermenting, and gradually rose: “Greetings to Ligachev!”

Disputes about how many vineyards were cut down, new children were born, died from poisoning, and were saved from inevitable cirrhosis of the liver during the violent but short-lived campaign last for many years. Public consensus has not yet been reached.
Ligachev's initiative became the last grandiose all-Union ideological, political and economic campaign. At the peak of socialist construction they fought for virgin lands, at the end - for sobriety. It is not for nothing that folklore has a special memory of all these alcohol-free weddings, temperance societies and an incredible number of jokes: “A bribe-giver comes to an official, thrusts an envelope with money, and he yells: “Unlock the door immediately, otherwise they will think that we are drinking here!” .

Boris, you're wrong!

An amazing thing, but the main fighter for popular sobriety pushed to the top of Russian power, probably the hardest-drinking Russian “tsar” since the time of Peter I.
It was on Ligachev’s recommendation that the future first president of Russia got a job in the apparatus of the CPSU Central Committee in April 1985: “A large-scale person. Our man,” Yegor Kuzmich said about Yeltsin. It is impossible to explain how a militant teetotaler, under whom first in Tomsk and then throughout the country fiercely fought against alcohol abuse, took a liking to Yeltsin.
However, just three years later, in 1988, speaking at the 19th party conference, Ligachev said to his protégé from the podium: “Boris, you’re wrong!” - Having acquired wings, the phrase will fly away among the people forever.

Oldest MP

In the late 90s, having retired, Ligachev returned to big politics. On December 19, 1999, Egor Kuzmich was elected as a Deputy of the State Duma of the third convocation from the Tomsk region. According to tradition, as the oldest deputy, a month after the elections he opens the first Duma meeting in the 21st century. Even if you want to, it’s hard not to see some important symbol in this.

Heroes of the 90s. People and money Soloviev Alexander

"Boris, you're wrong"

"Boris, you're wrong"

First Deputy Chairman of the USSR State Construction Committee Boris Yeltsin, at the 19th Conference of the CPSU on July 1, 1988, sharply criticized the central apparatus of the party, which did not keep up with the perestroika processes in the country, spoke in favor of extending openness to the internal life of the party, and proposed introducing general, direct, secret elections of leading party members organs. Politburo member Yegor Ligachev, who was sitting on the presidium of the conference, interrupted Boris Yeltsin’s speech, declaring into the microphone: “You, Boris, are wrong. We disagree with you not only on tactics. Boris, you have enormous energy, but this energy is not creative, but destructive! You put your region on coupons...” Without paying attention to Ligachev’s remark, Yeltsin continued his speech. The Russians liked the phrase, and later they remembered it more than once.

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Where it sounded exactly like that.

The XIX Party Conference took place from June 28 to July 1, 1988.

See also

Links

• Egor Ligachev about Boris Yeltsin: “Unfortunately, I turned out to be right...”, 04/24/2007

Wikimedia Foundation. 2010.

• Ansorge, Conrad
• Yeletskys

See what “Boris, you’re wrong” is in other dictionaries:

Boris, you're wrong!

Boris you are wrong- “Boris, you’re wrong” is an almost verbatim phrase uttered by Yegor Ligachev, a member of the Politburo of the CPSU Central Committee in June 1988 at the 19th party conference. In the form of “Boris, you’re wrong!” the phrase became widespread after the satirical monologue of Gennady Khazanov ... Wikipedia

Boris you are wrong!- “Boris, you’re wrong” is an almost verbatim phrase uttered by Yegor Ligachev, a member of the Politburo of the CPSU Central Committee in June 1988 at the 19th party conference. In the form of “Boris, you’re wrong!” the phrase became widespread after the satirical monologue of Gennady Khazanov ... Wikipedia

Boris, you're wrong!- Razg. Joking. 1. Expressing disagreement with the actions and proposals of the interlocutor. 2. About the wrong actions of a man named Boris. /i> Reply by E. Ligachev during a discussion of Boris Yeltsin’s critical speech at the Plenum of the CPSU Central Committee on October 21... ...

Boris, you're wrong!- you're wrong. Words publicly spoken by E.K. Ligachev to B.N. Yeltsin and which became popular... Dictionary of Russian argot

Boris - you're wrong- (words from the official secretary of the CPSU Central Committee E. Ligachev in 1988, addressed to Boris Yeltsin) about the wrong words or actions of the interlocutor ... Live speech. Dictionary of colloquial expressions

BORIS- Bodunov. 1. Jarg. stud. (ist). Joking. Russian Tsar Boris Godunov. (Recorded 2003) 2. Jarg. school Joking. Drama by A. S. Pushkin “Boris Godunov”. BSPYA, 2000. /i> Hangover hangover. Boris bit off the cat's eggs. Children's. Joking. Nickname, teasing of a person named... ... Large dictionary of Russian sayings

rights- see: Boris, you're wrong!; Egor; You're right, Arkashka... Dictionary of Russian argot

Boris Safarovich Ebzeev

Boris Ebzeev- Boris Safarovich Ebzeev ... Wikipedia

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